The Prof G Pod with Scott Galloway
Oct 5, 2026 · 29 min · 17 segments
Scott Galloway weighs whether the DSA could take over the Democratic Party, makes the case that Big Food is headed for its tobacco moment, explains how he approaches bold predictions, and breaks down…
Scott GallowayHost
I've seen some Democrats online express concerns over the DSA, Hassan Piker, and recent wins, including El-Sayed, but then state they will vote straight blue because the Trump administration is the greater threat.
Republicans didn't push back on extremists, and now the Republicans are the party of Trump.
Do you fear something like this could happen with the Democrats?" Okay, first some data.
The Democratic Socialists of America says its membership has grown from sixty-four hundred in twenty sixteen to a hundred and twenty thousand today.
DSA-backed candidates have also won several prominent primaries this year, including victories over established Democratic incumbents.
Nationally, only a third or thirty-two percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say they like political leaders who identify as Democratic socialists.
Fifty-two percent of liberal Democrats like Democratic socialist leaders, compared to just fifteen percent of moderates and conservatives.
According to Brookings, most DSA-backed candidates have competed in places that already lean heavily Democratic.
Of two hundred and eighty-two candidates examined, only ten won primaries in states or districts that were not already overwhelmingly Democratic.
Abdul El-Sayed won Michigan's Democratic primary with seven hundred and forty-five thousand votes, or forty-eight point four percent of the electorate, compared with Haley Stevens' seven hundred and thirty-one thousand votes, or forty-seven point six percent.
That was a margin of about fourteen thousand votes, less than one percentage point, and I would also argue that Stevens wasn't a great candidate.
In other words, it was an important victory, but not evidence of an overwhelming ideological mandate from a swing state.
In twenty eighteen, his average primary endorsement came about seven weeks before election day.
Nearly three-quarters of the endorsements this cycle went to incumbents, suggesting Trumpism is now part of the Republic establishment.
In sum, the DSA may be growing, but its victories remain concentrated in heavily Democratic areas.
I've seen some Democrats online express concerns over the DSA, Hassan Piker, and recent wins, including El-Sayed, but then state they will vote straight blue because the Trump administration is the greater threat.
Republicans didn't push back on extremists, and now the Republicans are the party of Trump.
Do you fear something like this could happen with the Democrats?" Okay, first some data.
The Democratic Socialists of America says its membership has grown from sixty-four hundred in twenty sixteen to a hundred and twenty thousand today.
DSA-backed candidates have also won several prominent primaries this year, including victories over established Democratic incumbents.
Nationally, only a third or thirty-two percent of Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents say they like political leaders who identify as Democratic socialists.
Fifty-two percent of liberal Democrats like Democratic socialist leaders, compared to just fifteen percent of moderates and conservatives.
According to Brookings, most DSA-backed candidates have competed in places that already lean heavily Democratic.
Of two hundred and eighty-two candidates examined, only ten won primaries in states or districts that were not already overwhelmingly Democratic.
Abdul El-Sayed won Michigan's Democratic primary with seven hundred and forty-five thousand votes, or forty-eight point four percent of the electorate, compared with Haley Stevens' seven hundred and thirty-one thousand votes, or forty-seven point six percent.
That was a margin of about fourteen thousand votes, less than one percentage point, and I would also argue that Stevens wasn't a great candidate.
In other words, it was an important victory, but not evidence of an overwhelming ideological mandate from a swing state.
In twenty eighteen, his average primary endorsement came about seven weeks before election day.
Nearly three-quarters of the endorsements this cycle went to incumbents, suggesting Trumpism is now part of the Republic establishment.
In sum, the DSA may be growing, but its victories remain concentrated in heavily Democratic areas.
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