New Books in Economic and Business History
Oct 10, 2026 · 1 hr 10 min · 28 segments
In An Anticolonial Development: Race, Schooling, and Emancipation in Twentieth-Century West Africa (Cambridge UP, 2026), Elisa Prosperetti argues that…
Elisa ProsperettiGuest
Afua Baafi QuarshieHostAnd sadly, the heartbreak just keeps going, right? When we get to the 70s, because as most people know, we all know, the 70s sort of signal this era of just decline, economic crisis in these countries and things are just bad.
And so this moment arrives and brings with it this sort of discursive terrain of, well, we should reform education, public education, right? And now we should think about things like vocational education, right? And also, and this is specifically in Ghana, and then in Cote d'Ivoire, well, education has to be more accessible to a wider group of people.
Can you talk about this moment and how we get to this point of sort of an overhaul of the kinds of education that these countries have been pursuing, right? This sort of linear path to university and great professional lives, right? Like attaining these statuses.
How do we get here in the 70s? And let's talk about that first and then we'll go to sort of what that then you argue, what that opens the door for.

So this kind of, I guess it's important for us to kind of remember that it's not predetermined that people will support the anti-colonial politics of Nkrumah or of Wepanyi as they were in the 1940s and 1950s.

And so, you know, my argument is that education is the issue and issue makes it sounds, you know, like as if it's equal to other things, but it's really the discourse that creates the nationalist and anti-colonial rejection of the colonial state.

And that that is the kind of the language, the shared aspiration, the belief about the future that on which these two states are born.

And once that project really starts to falter, which really starts to, I mean, cracks are showing immediately as I just talked about, but really in the 70s.

Once it starts to be super clear that the state isn't capable of of offering this pathway to everyone, as it said it would in order to legitimize itself against the colonial regime, which terribly limited

Well, then you start to create tremendous resentment and distrust against this compact that had been created between the state and its public.

And so when Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire with its television program start to try to make school a place where vocational education will have an important role, they're completely disavowing the anti-colonial politics of rejecting the idea that the value of African students is to learn physical or trade skills rather than to learn kind of the intellectual education that the European or the colonial would have.

And they abscond on this anti-colonial development vision that had been such an aspirational unifier and glue kind of society.

So it's quite remarkable to think that what's happening in Ghana in the 70s, what the government is proposing are kind of the things that Governor Guggesberg was proposing in the 1920s.

Why would I go to public school to learn how to catch fish? It makes absolutely no sense.
And sadly, the heartbreak just keeps going, right? When we get to the 70s, because as most people know, we all know, the 70s sort of signal this era of just decline, economic crisis in these countries and things are just bad.
And so this moment arrives and brings with it this sort of discursive terrain of, well, we should reform education, public education, right? And now we should think about things like vocational education, right? And also, and this is specifically in Ghana, and then in Cote d'Ivoire, well, education has to be more accessible to a wider group of people.
Can you talk about this moment and how we get to this point of sort of an overhaul of the kinds of education that these countries have been pursuing, right? This sort of linear path to university and great professional lives, right? Like attaining these statuses.
How do we get here in the 70s? And let's talk about that first and then we'll go to sort of what that then you argue, what that opens the door for.

So this kind of, I guess it's important for us to kind of remember that it's not predetermined that people will support the anti-colonial politics of Nkrumah or of Wepanyi as they were in the 1940s and 1950s.

And so, you know, my argument is that education is the issue and issue makes it sounds, you know, like as if it's equal to other things, but it's really the discourse that creates the nationalist and anti-colonial rejection of the colonial state.

And that that is the kind of the language, the shared aspiration, the belief about the future that on which these two states are born.

And once that project really starts to falter, which really starts to, I mean, cracks are showing immediately as I just talked about, but really in the 70s.

Once it starts to be super clear that the state isn't capable of of offering this pathway to everyone, as it said it would in order to legitimize itself against the colonial regime, which terribly limited

Well, then you start to create tremendous resentment and distrust against this compact that had been created between the state and its public.

And so when Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire with its television program start to try to make school a place where vocational education will have an important role, they're completely disavowing the anti-colonial politics of rejecting the idea that the value of African students is to learn physical or trade skills rather than to learn kind of the intellectual education that the European or the colonial would have.

And they abscond on this anti-colonial development vision that had been such an aspirational unifier and glue kind of society.

So it's quite remarkable to think that what's happening in Ghana in the 70s, what the government is proposing are kind of the things that Governor Guggesberg was proposing in the 1920s.

Why would I go to public school to learn how to catch fish? It makes absolutely no sense.
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