Apr 21, 2026 · 1 hr 25 min · 15 segments
Federal Communications Commission v. AT&T, Inc. Justia ·…
That's a straightforward violation of the Seventh Amendment and this Court's decision in Jarkasi.
They were just invitations to pay one hundred million dollars if you want, and that's wrong for at least four reasons.
First, the statute says that the FCC issues a charging document, considers the party's response, and then assesses and imposes penalties.
Third, there's an alternative procedure by which the commission itself or an ALJ can assess and impose penalties, same statutory language.
If the government were right about the statute, it would just walk them into a constitutional problem.
They want these forfeiture orders because they know that legitimate parties pay one hundred percent of the time.
If your main regulator says that you are violating the law, you can't let that hang over your head indefinitely.
It is hard to imagine a clearer case of penalizing the exercise of a fundamental constitutional right.
Wall, if the government has, uh, maintained the argument that it did below, uh, you would have a good point, but the government seems to have walked away from that argument.
Uh, if we assume that the government now is taking a position that does not require the, uh, s- uh, does not in- involve the Seventh Amendment, what do we do with your case if we also think that, uh, the approach that it took in your case did involve the Seventh Amendment or implicate the Seventh Amendment?
You've got to agree that no matter what they try to disclaim, that the statute actually doesn't make these things binding, though it uses binding language and though every statute cited in Justice Sotomayor's Jarkasi dissent uses the same language, determine, assess, and impose penalties.
That's a straightforward violation of the Seventh Amendment and this Court's decision in Jarkasi.
They were just invitations to pay one hundred million dollars if you want, and that's wrong for at least four reasons.
First, the statute says that the FCC issues a charging document, considers the party's response, and then assesses and imposes penalties.
Third, there's an alternative procedure by which the commission itself or an ALJ can assess and impose penalties, same statutory language.
If the government were right about the statute, it would just walk them into a constitutional problem.
They want these forfeiture orders because they know that legitimate parties pay one hundred percent of the time.
If your main regulator says that you are violating the law, you can't let that hang over your head indefinitely.
It is hard to imagine a clearer case of penalizing the exercise of a fundamental constitutional right.
Wall, if the government has, uh, maintained the argument that it did below, uh, you would have a good point, but the government seems to have walked away from that argument.
Uh, if we assume that the government now is taking a position that does not require the, uh, s- uh, does not in- involve the Seventh Amendment, what do we do with your case if we also think that, uh, the approach that it took in your case did involve the Seventh Amendment or implicate the Seventh Amendment?
You've got to agree that no matter what they try to disclaim, that the statute actually doesn't make these things binding, though it uses binding language and though every statute cited in Justice Sotomayor's Jarkasi dissent uses the same language, determine, assess, and impose penalties.
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