Jun 24, 2026 · 1 hr 56 min · 15 segments
United States v. Hemani | Case No. 24-1234 | Docket Link: Here | Argued: 03/02/2026 | Decided: 06/18/2026 **Overview:** A…
Mr.
Chief Justice, and may it please the Court, the Second Amendment does not prohibit the government from temporarily disarming habitual marijuana users while they persist in using frequently.
That tailored restriction easily fits within the historical tradition of disarming categories of people who present a special danger of misuse.
The government must show a historical analog that is relevantly similar in why and how it restricts Second Amendment rights.
Here, that's habitual drunkard laws.
Under historical vagrancy and civil commitment laws, habitual drunkards were imprisoned or confined without specific dangerousness findings based on judgments that habitual drunkards as a class threatened public safety.
Surety laws required them to post bond or be jailed.
Like 922g3, those restrictions reflect public safety concerns about the dangers of frequently using intoxicants, and 922g3 is less restrictive.
Habitual illegal drug users can regain their arms through their own voluntary conduct by not using illegal drugs so often.
Upholding 922g3 would not open the door to disarming weekend beer drinkers.
Unlike alcohol, illegal drugs are illegal.
They're illegal because Congress deemed their use dangerous at any level, and their dangers extend beyond their mind-altering effects to the risks of the illegal drug trade.
Unlike alcohol, Congress and the executive branch have made specific determinations about the dangers of illegal drugs.
And unlike alcohol, robust post-ratification history supports disarming habitual illegal drug users, not just frequently intoxicated users.
Respondent's contrary approach that no habitual drug users can be disarmed would invalidate 922g3 and parallel state laws, even for habitual heroin, ketamine users, and would replace the Brew and Rahimi framework with a discredited law-attraction amber approach.
Mr.
Chief Justice, and may it please the Court, the Second Amendment does not prohibit the government from temporarily disarming habitual marijuana users while they persist in using frequently.
That tailored restriction easily fits within the historical tradition of disarming categories of people who present a special danger of misuse.
The government must show a historical analog that is relevantly similar in why and how it restricts Second Amendment rights.
Here, that's habitual drunkard laws.
Under historical vagrancy and civil commitment laws, habitual drunkards were imprisoned or confined without specific dangerousness findings based on judgments that habitual drunkards as a class threatened public safety.
Surety laws required them to post bond or be jailed.
Like 922g3, those restrictions reflect public safety concerns about the dangers of frequently using intoxicants, and 922g3 is less restrictive.
Habitual illegal drug users can regain their arms through their own voluntary conduct by not using illegal drugs so often.
Upholding 922g3 would not open the door to disarming weekend beer drinkers.
Unlike alcohol, illegal drugs are illegal.
They're illegal because Congress deemed their use dangerous at any level, and their dangers extend beyond their mind-altering effects to the risks of the illegal drug trade.
Unlike alcohol, Congress and the executive branch have made specific determinations about the dangers of illegal drugs.
And unlike alcohol, robust post-ratification history supports disarming habitual illegal drug users, not just frequently intoxicated users.
Respondent's contrary approach that no habitual drug users can be disarmed would invalidate 922g3 and parallel state laws, even for habitual heroin, ketamine users, and would replace the Brew and Rahimi framework with a discredited law-attraction amber approach.
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