How does the increasing political marginalization of Palestinian Arab citizens, alongside intensifying settlement expansion in the West Bank, expose the tensions between Israel's Jewish national character and its democratic commitments?

That's a very interesting and challenging question because we've also seen a change within the Arab minority within Israel.

So we know that about 22% of Israeli citizens are Arab Palestinians who are Israeli citizens.

And they have been suffering, I think, most of what has been going on under this government.

Of course, apart from the Palestinians in the occupied territories, I'm talking within the territory of Israel.

And they've been suffering most mainly because of the violence in the Arab population.

Under Ben-Gvir, we've seen masses of death, of shooting incidents, and they've been suffering.

What lessons does Hungary's experience offer regarding the defeat of entrenched populist leaders, electoral integrity, and the prospects for domestic restoration in Israel?

Okay

... to, to, to talk about these issues.

I can only say the following.

We've had various, uh, experts meeting in various groups trying to reach a compromise because everyone understood that what's at stake here is our very, you know, democratic character, and, and we would have, you know, a clash.

Uh, this is something that I can say.

I told one of the main actors, uh, pushing for the judicial overhaul in early January, uh, I told him the following thing: "You guys are crazy.

You're insane, what you're doing.

Why hasn't this conversation been had?

Among all this criticism, was there anything the two sides could agree on? I put the question to Professor Yaniv Rosnai of Israel's Reichman University, one of the most vocal and erudite voices opposing the reform.

In the past few years, especially since 2023, I've been engaged in many negotiations with the so-called other side.

If you let me sit with the prominent jurists from the other side for three hours, we will reach an agreement because we, we agree and we have agreed on about 70, 80% of the things.

Okay, so I think this is also applicable to the larger public.

70% of the people would have agreed on about 70% of the issues.

We think bad people are in power and are likely to stay in power for a very long time is not much of a judicial argument, but it's one heck of a political argument, and it is, Roznai said, not at all theoretical.

This would be a religious, illiberal country, and the core of liberal, uh, Zionist Jews who care about the state but also want to have reasonable life for their kids and to have some meaningful life that are not necessarily in a religious country, they will leave the country.

Look, Simcha Rothman and Smotrich, they do not want to live in the Netherlands.