How are you using AI today in the office?

I'll walk you through a few examples.

I probably have a dozen for you how we're already utilizing AI.

One that's a very easy win for us was we have a daily news summary delivered by AI.

We see news from our investment partners, our key investments as well, so that's helpful for me as a CIO.

One thing more helpful is a weekly summary of all the work that our team has done.

We have multiple asset classes, multiple folks out traveling all the time.

I'd love to hear what your tech stack looks like.

And so I think, say, Jimmy Carter, for instance, or even President Obama, they would've been much more effective, wouldn't they have, John, if they had worked closer with Congress?

Well, certainly in the case of, of Jimmy Carter, um, and, and, and with other historically, with other presidents, I think, uh, Jeremy would agree.

People who come in who don't have federal experience are at a real disadvantage.

Part of that is not understanding the dynamics of Congress, that Congress does not buy into the imperial presidency notion quite as readily as people who work, uh, uh, on the other side of Pennsylvania Avenue.

But part of it also, uh, part of it also is that, um, presidents do not, who have not had long Washington experience don't have the personal relationships with people in, in government.

And whatever party you are, whatever ideology you are, politics is intensely a personal, uh, a personal, uh, business, and you can have virulent disagreements with people o- on policy questions, but you try to maintain an open channel.

George W. Bush did a great job on this, uh, i- i- and throughout his administration, and it paid off when we needed to suddenly work very collaboratively, uh, in the economic crisis of, of September, uh, uh, September, uh, of 2008.

It's an oligopolist system, not an, uh, not a pluralist system in terms of parties.

What about the gerrymandering that we're seeing? That's going to play a role too, isn't it, John?

It is.

I think that the role may be overestimated.

And also gerrymandering is not such a fine art as people think it might be.

You have to draw not only districts that favor your candidates, but also districts that don't.

make your candidates marginal because you've distributed all these voters into a larger number of districts.

I do think it's important to note that the emphasis on reapportionment, this mid-decade reapportionment, is something that the president pushed very strongly because he anticipated this large wave of opposition to his policies.

Could you elaborate on that? And do you think now it's getting to a point where maybe they'll be more effective?

How unique was Lincoln in that regard, Jon?

Well, I think he was...

It, it, there was always efforts, and you heard it just in this most recent campaign, to demonstrate your bipartisanship by saying you'd bring somebody into the cabinet.

Um, Kennedy famously did that.

Uh, uh, Obama did that with Ray LaHood and, and others.

But I think what's unique about Abraham Lincoln was the time in which he was doing it, where the people that he was bringing into, uh, the cabinet were not just people who were friendly rivals, but these are people who had very different visions of what the country was and what, what, um, uh, how, w- what had to be done in order to keep the country together.

And so in, in that respect, and I think this is why Lincoln finds himself at the top of almost every list, he was dealing with an existential question about the survivability of the nation, not just dealing with a policy disagreement or a war where the country came together even though it was a traumatic experience.

Yeah

If the prime minister took that step, wouldn't Hoekstra then be replaced by another Trump-appointed person who, who may do the exact same thing?

Or he might be worse, or she might be worse.

Like, it wouldn't surprise me.

The people who end up replacing fired cabinet ministers or, you know, yeah, set-- fired secretaries in the Trump administration are often worse than the, than their predecessors.

So I mean, this is a theoretical, intellectual, political exercise.

It's not about what our prime minister is actually gonna do.

Um, but as I, you know, I think that the petition, the popularity, the media coverage, um, uh, you know, it expresses the fact that Canadians are not happy about the way, you know, he's conducted himself here.

And I wonder what kind of impact headlines like yours, um, or the emergence of this petition could do, how they might risk disrupting what's already a very fragile conversation.