La Derecha Diario is now partially owned by Javier Negre, a Spanish right-wing media entrepreneur and disinformation broker.

Now, in parallel to this, you've had this sort of digital media outlet, La Derecha de Ario, that has sort of risen to prominence as big promoters of the new far right in Latin America, you know, sort of classic disinformation campaigns and things like this, but always sort of in support of these candidates.

And they've been extremely active, you know, in a number of these electoral races and have sort of begun to expand both in Mexico and certainly are looking at Brazil.

And Saramedo was also a partial owner of that operation.

And of course, this is this is nothing new.

Right.

I mean, this network of sort of right wing political operatives has been extremely active in Spain and Europe, but also in Latin America for any number of years.

Jake Johnston.

La Derecha Diario is now partially owned by Javier Negre, a Spanish right-wing media entrepreneur and disinformation broker.

Now, in parallel to this, you've had this sort of digital media outlet, La Derecha de Ario, that has sort of risen to prominence as big promoters of the new far right in Latin America, you know, sort of classic disinformation campaigns and things like this, but always sort of in support of these candidates.

And they've been extremely active, you know, in a number of these electoral races and have sort of begun to expand both in Mexico and certainly are looking at Brazil.

And Saramedo was also a partial owner of that operation.

And of course, this is this is nothing new.

Right.

I mean, this network of sort of right wing political operatives has been extremely active in Spain and Europe, but also in Latin America for any number of years.

Jake Johnston.

Jake Johnston.

What is the sort of takeaway after a year is, I mean, this is an assault on the rule of law.

This is assault on international law.

And I think you can see over the course of the year how these strikes serve this broader purpose of normalizing, rationalizing, and sort of gaining at least some public acceptance of just the sort of trampling of international law.

And now we have, right, sort of transitioned, or at least, you know, the U.S. is saying they're transitioning from these boat strikes to land strikes.

There, we've already seen, in fact, some strikes on land in Ecuador, reportedly hitting a dairy farm, you know, reports of torture of the farm workers who were there.

And so you can see how this can extend and expand.

People from some of those boats were killed, and others have been returned to the country, but that was only after being abducted on the high seas.

Jake Johnston.

What is the sort of takeaway after a year is, I mean, this is an assault on the rule of law.

This is assault on international law.

And I think you can see over the course of the year how these strikes serve this broader purpose of normalizing, rationalizing, and sort of gaining at least some public acceptance of just the sort of trampling of international law.

And now we have, right, sort of transitioned, or at least, you know, the U.S. is saying they're transitioning from these boat strikes to land strikes.

There, we've already seen, in fact, some strikes on land in Ecuador, reportedly hitting a dairy farm, you know, reports of torture of the farm workers who were there.

And so you can see how this can extend and expand.

People from some of those boats were killed, and others have been returned to the country, but that was only after being abducted on the high seas.

What's fact and what's fiction there?

Yeah, yeah.

Well, I mean, this actually dovetails nicely with what I was going to say.

I mean, I completely agree.

I would love to see more vocal and strong pushback to US policy in the region, right? Of course.

But I do want to take a minute because... you know, these votes in Congress on war powers resolutions on Venezuela, on Cuba, as well as on Iran and other, you know, other situations, like they are unprecedented, right? We haven't seen that in the past with Congress trying to really push this.

And it hasn't been successful, right? I mean, of course, and even if those things had passed, Trump would have vetoed it or could have vetoed it and could have done.

So if you manufacture this kind of conflict with another country even if it's against a very blurry enemy you know these narco terrorist cartels which are not even publicly named and you know they can be everywhere then you are justified you know do these mass deportations which i mean it's a great point to emphasize how foreign and domestic policies are never really that separate yeah jack you had something else

What is entering into an era where there's more Chinese hegemony look like?

yeah i mean i think that's a great a great question right i mean i think you know one of the big things that has been pointed out right in regard to these relations is sort of the differing nature of those things right that that china's relationship in the hemisphere and economic relationship in the hemisphere is much more built on these trade relations, right, and making these big investments into the region, which has been very different than what we've seen from the US.

And I think that is one of the big things that's missing.

Certainly, many analysts have pointed this out, right? I mean, if the US wants to really, you know, compete with China in the region, it's going to have to be more than threats, because China is offering real economic development prospects for these countries.

and that is something very different than what the us has actually put on the table in the past now the trump administration is talking a big game uh you know and there was a news report i think this week there was some plans that have been shared with congress to greatly increase u.s investment as a means to counter china um but what will that actually sort of look like will that play out right i mean i think these these are are going to be big questions But on a bigger sense, I mean, you're seeing some of the people like some of these leaders, the right wing leaders that are coming in.

I mean, they don't always need pressure from outside actors or from the United States to pursue these these sort of austerity efforts.

Right.

What's the track record of these right-wing governments actually rolling back the clock on social supports?

Uh, what does this say, this attempt to create a right-wing, uh, basically pole, uh, in Latin America say about, uh, U.S. policy toward the region?

Yeah, it's a really great point, right? I mean, for, for decades, we've been saying, "Oh, the OAS is largely controlled by the U.S.

It's run by the U.S.

The U.S. is, you know, funding more than half of its budget." Uh, and that's true.

It has largely advanced U.S. interests.

And for this administration, even that's not enough because it is a forum that everyone, uh, is invited to, and there are, you know, actual rules, and it's an institution.

That obviously doesn't suit this, this administration's desires, right? Which is to really erode those institutions, erode any concepts of sovereignty and international law.

How do you feel their governments are dealing, specifically, uh, Mexico, uh, with this increased, uh, pressure from the Trump administration to lock down and control all of, uh, Latin America?

Uh, what does this say, this attempt to create a right-wing, uh, basically pole, uh, in Latin America say about, uh, U.S. policy toward the region?

Yeah, it's a really great point, right? I mean, for, for decades, we've been saying, "Oh, the OAS is largely controlled by the U.S.

It's run by the U.S.

The U.S. is, you know, funding more than half of its budget." Uh, and that's true.

It has largely advanced U.S. interests.

And for this administration, even that's not enough because it is a forum that everyone, uh, is invited to, and there are, you know, actual rules, and it's an institution.

That obviously doesn't suit this, this administration's desires, right? Which is to really erode those institutions, erode any concepts of sovereignty and international law.

How do you feel their governments are dealing, specifically, uh, Mexico, uh, with this increased, uh, pressure from the Trump administration to lock down and control all of, uh, Latin America?

Uh, what does this say, this attempt to create a right-wing, uh, basically pole, uh, in Latin America say about, uh, U.S. policy toward the region?

Yeah, it's a really great point, right? I mean, for, for decades, we've been saying, "Oh, the OAS is largely controlled by the U.S.

It's run by the U.S.

The U.S. is, you know, funding more than half of its budget." Uh, and that's true.

It has largely advanced U.S. interests.

And for this administration, even that's not enough because it is a forum that everyone, uh, is invited to, and there are, you know, actual rules, and it's an institution.

That obviously doesn't suit this, this administration's desires, right? Which is to really erode those institutions, erode any concepts of sovereignty and international law.

How do you feel their governments are dealing, specifically, uh, Mexico, uh, with this increased, uh, pressure from the Trump administration to lock down and control all of, uh, Latin America?