What does that recurring pattern suggest about the fundamental challenge in the U.S.-Ukraine relationship right now?

It's a strained relationship.

We go back in this current administration to the February 28, 2025 infamous White House blow up where the president and President Zelensky were essentially shouting at each other.

And then the relationship got better on a better track.

And The United States imposed some sanctions on Lukoil and Rosneft, the two largest Russian energy companies.

But more recently, we have seen rhetoric coming out of Washington that suggests that the war is Ukraine's fault.

Ukraine has been the victim of Russian aggression.

Would additional American pressure change Putin's calculations at this point?

What does that recurring pattern suggest about the fundamental challenge in the U.S.-Ukraine relationship right now?

It's a strained relationship.

We go back in this current administration to the February 28th, 2025 infamous White House blow up where the president and President Zelensky were essentially shouting at each other.

And then the relationship got better on a better track.

And The United States imposed some sanctions on Lukoil and Rosneft, the two largest Russian energy companies.

But more recently, we have seen rhetoric coming out of Washington that suggests that the war is Ukraine's fault.

Ukraine has been the victim of Russian aggression, that Zelensky and Ukraine refused to end the war.

Would additional American pressure change Putin's calculations at this point?

What does that recurring pattern suggest about the fundamental challenge in the U.S.-Ukraine relationship right now?

It's a strained relationship.

We go back in this current administration to the February 28th, 2025 infamous White House blow up where the president and President Zelensky were essentially shouting at each other.

And then the relationship got better on a better track and better.

The United States imposed some sanctions on Lukoil and Rosneft, the two largest Russian energy companies.

But more recently, we have seen rhetoric coming out of Washington that suggests that the war is Ukraine's fault.

Ukraine has been the victim of Russian aggression, that Zelensky and Ukraine refused to end the war.

Why?

did some real

damage to our credibility and standing with our allies, our NATO allies, the countries that came to our aid after 9-11. and the very idea that some of our European allies mobilized some of their forces to prepare for the possibility of US military action.

And by the way, to be clear, we have not heard before we came out here that we are attacking Canada.

This was Prime Minister Carney raising the possibility that they can't rule us out.

That too is scary.

that our closest friends, our immediate neighbors, worry about that prospect.

And so I am worried that we have taken this transactional approach.

So maybe the balance in the dime toolkit.

Do you see this as well?

Well, if I can, Brian, let me back up for a minute to the earlier question you asked Yuri about sort of the root causes and the Russian attitude of Ukraine.

This has been true almost day one from Putin's time in office as president.

You think back to 2004, where he tried to tip the election between Yushchenko and Yanukovych, and Yanukovych's favorite Russian interference in that election was that led to a rerun in the Orange Revolution.

You think about 2013 when Ukraine was under Yanukovych, the pro-Russian president of Ukraine, duly democratically elected under Yanukovych, was going to sign agreements with the European Union, not with NATO.

That's critically important for those who like to blame NATO enlargement for Russia's invasion.

And Putin pressured Yanukovych into not signing those agreements and that led to the uh Euromaidan Revolution and then of course 2014 the first time Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine starting with Crimea and then moving into the Donbass and so Putin I think has always viewed Ukraine and and look he said this to President Bush in 2008 he doesn't he didn't view Ukraine as a real independent sovereign state he has said it on other occasions the ridiculous treatise he published in July of 2021 is further indication of that.

them a lot of patriots and give them let them use starlink to attack the russian missile launchers in russia but that ain't happening unfortunately what what do you realistically hope for

And David, how do you see it? Do you agree that this is a framework with potential or are there too many concessions here that could potentially leave Ukraine dangerously exposed?

I think it is a framework for potential and I think it's also a vast improvement over where US policy was last Friday in Anchorage.

There, I think Putin felt he came away from the Anchorage summit with most of the points scored on his side.

Today, I imagine Putin isn't feeling so confident about things.

I think the display of unity and solidarity with the European leaders together with President Trump, with Zelenskyy, sent a very powerful signal that Putin's efforts to sow divisions in the Transatlantic alliance are not going to succeed.

And so I think there, that that was a huge improvement from Ukraine's vantage point.

Um, I do think that the administration is going to struggle with the issue of a ceasefire.

Well, on both those points, David, what kind of support can Volodymyr Zelenskyy count on from the Trump administration, and do you believe major European powers like France, Germany, the UK, are truly prepared to put troops on the ground in Ukraine to prevent further Russian aggression?

And it's, I think, really special that the president was keen on doing that.

And Peter, I think what makes this Presidential Leadership Scholars Program so unique is, and Stephanie referred to this, We give the scholars an opportunity to look through the lens of the four presidencies, of how they handle tough issues.

Republicans and Democrats, evenly divided here.

And there really is no other opportunity like that.

There are many leadership programs, many of them outstanding programs, but this one is unique in that sense.

And so I think the involvement of the current living former presidents, but also the opportunity to hear about the experiences of the LBJ and Bush 41 presidencies in their lives is extremely important for these scholars.

It adds to their understanding of how difficult some of these decisions that the presidents had to make, but they also can then apply those lessons to the challenges they face in their careers.

I want you to address that if you would, and then I want to hear from the other three about the role of money in these presidential libraries and museums.