Uhuru Kenyatta

Peter Munoz was the cabinet secretary there.

of the Ministry of Agriculture in Uhuru Kenyatta's administration in 2020.

And so he presided over these reforms actually being implemented in the country.

And so now we had a problem and a path to solution and a person who could be our sensei as we went through and wended our way through the labyrinthine Kenyan bureaucracy to be able to establish new forms, which would be an end-to-end solution that would have no Chinese walls.

Um, uh, and I think people have pointed out like actual, they've only, I think been two cases where there's two cases in Southern and Eastern Africa, just, uh, where there's been an actual petition.

And then the results have like where, where there's been a successful petition of an election in Kenya in 2017, uh, between Raya Laodinga and Uhuru Kenyatta.

Uhuru Kenyatta was going for a second term and he, um, won, uh, by actually a few percentage points, like 6%, like a decent margin.

Um, and then in, um, and then, so basically Raya Laodinga then did not stand in the rerun that was ruled.

Uh, basically the election was in August and then the rerun was in November.

It cannot work for us.

What we should have done is, we should have looked for the best possible person, either Uhuru, uh, Kibaki, whoever, even Moi.

And not a democracy you run.

Yeah.

To give these guys...

You're given election every five years to f- to feel like you're part of the system, but you're not.

Uhuru was...

Kibaki was Uhuru's godfather, you see? Now Ruto comes in and then he's out of the system, and then they're like, "Okay, who is this guy who's gonna come in? He's not part of our-

And so even with the Burundians, I think they just find themselves in such an unfortunate situation that it's them who have been picked upon specifically

Is there a reason why? Because in 20, let's go back to 2014, I want to say 2014, 2015, when the Uhuru Kenyatta administration conducted a crackdown on the Somali population.

And that's why at the beginning of this show I said as much as xenophobia, as much as what is happening feels very foreign to us, xenophobia is not foreign to Kenya.

Kenyans have a deep xenophobic sentiment against Somalis.

So for those who are watching, if you want to learn more about the history of the anti-Kushaitic sentiment in Kenya, please refer to that episode.

But let's go back to the question of Burundians.

Why Burundians this time? And in what ways, is there any relationship between what Uhuru Kenyatta did in 2014 and what is happening now? Is it the same thing recurring?

I think to different extents, yes.

Logically.

Now another one was, Ademba Islands has been paid 20 million by Uhuru, Kenyatta.

to make sure that people register and most people who register come from the central part of kenya now my problem is the person who was uh coming up with that propaganda stays in kisumu right yes and there's a voting process going on in kisumu so it's kisumu in central yes explain to us but now my big question is why are you against voting registration yeah why are you against people registering to

You know, the history of Kenya, and we are speaking about it a bit off camera, is political suppression or repression of the lower and middle class, by the political and economic elite in the country, is something that has been a problem since the 1960s and 70s, right? And Saba Saba in 1919, is what began, and funny enough, the theme was the same, access to voting rights.

Independence celebration, 59th an- uh, anniversary.

Ghana's president is, uh, uh, uh, uh, Uhuru Kenyatta.

Kenya.

The same thing is going on there in Kenya.

Um, and the amount of violence that is being wielded even outside of the security apparatus, uh, of the state is something that is of great concern.

So today in our episode, we are going to be discussing the genesis of political violence in Kenya, the ways in which it has evolved, uh, s- since before independence, through the Kenyatta and Moi eras, uh, to what we are seeing today.

Um, the ways in which the state, um, um, can or cannot control, uh, violence outside of, uh, um, outside of the state machinery, the way it deploys militias, um, uh, uh, and other such organized, uh, violence bodies, uh, and why.

And for this discussion, I am very happy to be joined once again by Rene Odanga, who is a PhD student at Emory University, uh, studying b- British colonial history.

He has a fantastic book on, um, the creation of the Kenyan neocolonial state.

I forget the name now.

It's either Kenyatta and Britain-

Yeah

So they, they saw how an, uh, uh, enterprising I was, so they asked me how, if we have this, anything that we have internally, we give our students priority, what can you do here? So I told them I can be able to dress these models for the event itself.

So the, that event that year, the president at that point, which was Uhuru Kenyatta, was supposed to come, so they wanted to be a bit more glamorous.

Mm-hmm.

So they gave me that contract to be able to dress the models.