Two-state solution

We have to do everything to ensure that the delicate ceasefire secured last year paves the way to lasting peace.

Where people can live side by side in many dimensions is a two-state solution.

A two fucking state solution.

Really? That's the lie.

You know, it reminds me of when the Indians say pale-faced lie.

That man stood there and knowing damn well what he was saying was a big fucking lie.

It was never about a two-state solution.

It's about a greater Israel project.

Wait until you hear his answer, all of that and more.

He also appeared to be agitated about a suggestion of a two-state solution.

Poor Haley Stevens, however, is being absolutely pounded.

She's being called a traitor.

Palestinian people deserve to have a homeland.

Where? In, I mean...

I would say generally, historically, I would support a version of the two-state solution, which creates problems because, yes, there's Gaza and there's the West Bank, and they're separated.

It's not the ideal landscape for a state.

Most of these young people don't remember any peace process, never were told that there is a possibility of peace with the Palestinians or anybody else.

You know what I find particularly strange or, I don't know, curious or a bit befuddling, especially here in Australia, is when politicians just keep talking about a two-state solution.

We want a two-state solution.

Okay, that's what Albanese talks about, a two-state solution.

This is going to be the answer.

It's like they just haven't noticed anything that's happened in the the last few years.

And also I would put money on the fact that they just won't notice anything that's happened in the last few days.

I mean, let's say that you are one of those people that wants a two-state solution.

I think it would have led to a change, but not a significant change.

For instance, Eisenhower and most of the opposition parties do not support a Palestinian state or a Tutsi solution.

That's basically off the agenda for the foreseeable future in Israel.

But there would be changes, I think.

it's apogee, maybe not it's apogee of right-wingedness.

You know, when we talk about opposition Netanyahu, the opposition Netanyahu isn't based on any desire for, you know, a two-state solution or reconciliation or go easier on the Palestinians.

It's all about internal Israel.

Right.

He's sort of anti this idea of perpetual war or trying to achieve security solely through military dominance.

But Golan will not say the words two-state solution, right? He says things like we need a separation, but he won't say, well, who are you separating from? What's that separation going to look like? And, you know, if even the most left wing party of the Jewish Israeli parties is no longer independent, politically able to say two-state solution.

I mean, it may well be that Golan is still committed to some version of that personally and just feels it's electoral suicide.

And he sort of indicated as much.

He did a very big interview with the New York Times sort of around this topic.

And that was the sort of general message.

But, you know, even if that's his personal views, if he considers it electorally damaging to say two-state solution or even to say West Bank.

So in Israel, people tend to call the West Bank that the mainstream party word for the West Bank is to call it Judea and Samaria, sort of the biblical terms, you know, which is a way of emphasising sort of what's, you know, much of Israel would see as their historic right to that land as sort of laid out in the Bible.

Because it does feel a little bit less of a forgiving place, a more militarized country, perhaps inevitably.

And I'm particularly struck by support for a two-state solution.

Now, that has been collapsing, actually, over the last decade.

But you go back to polling 10 years ago, it was around 61%.

So three-fifths of Israelis wanted a two-state solution.

It's now down to 26%.

Barely a quarter of your country want this as a way forward.

Things have changed dramatically.