State of the Union

So we'll see what happens there.

Cleveland in his first State of the Union address mentioned tariffs.

Trump did the same thing in his State of the Union address.

Cleveland used federal troops to stop protests in cities and ICE agents are being used in the cities.

So what I'm saying is we have a lot of things that are parallel here.

Recording by Gary B. Clayton.

Section 2 of State of the Union Addresses 1857-1860.

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For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. state of the union address james buchanan december eighth eighteen fifty seven part two it is unnecessary to state in detail the alarming condition of the territory of kansas at the time of my inauguration the opposing parties then stood in hostile array against each other and any accident might have relighted the flames of civil war besides at this critical moment kansas was left without a governor by the resignation of governor geary on the nineteenth of february previous the territorial legislature had passed a law providing for the election of delegates on the third monday of june to a convention to meet on the first monday of september for the purpose of framing a constitution preparatory to admission into the union this law was in the main fair and just and it is to be regretted that all the qualified electors had not registered themselves and voted under its provisions at the time of the election for delegates an extensive organization existed in the territory whose avowed object it was if need be to put down the lawful government by force and to establish a government of their own under the so-called topeka constitution the persons attached to this revolutionary organization abstained from taking any part in the election the act of the territorial legislature had omitted to provide for submitting to the people the constitution which might be framed by the convention and in the excited state of public feeling throughout kansas an apprehension extensively prevailed that a design existed to force upon them a constitution in relation to slavery against their will in this emergency it became my duty as it was my unquestionable right having in view the union of all good citizens in support of the territorial laws to express an opinion on the true construction of the provisions concerning slavery contained in the organic act of congress of the thirtieth may eighteen fifty four congress declared it to be the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state nor to exclude it therefrom but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way under at kansas when admitted as a state was to be received into the union with or without slavery as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission did congress mean by this language that the delegates elected to frame a constitution should have authority finally to decide the question of slavery or did they intend by leaving it to the people that the people of kansas themselves should decide this question by a direct vote on this subject i confess i had never entertained a serious doubt and therefore in my instructions to governor walker of the twenty eighth march last i merely said that when a constitution shall be submitted to the people of the territory they must be protected in the exercise of their right of voting for or against that instrument and the fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupted by fraud or violence in expressing this opinion it was far from my intention to interfere with the decision of the people of kansas either for or against slavery from this i have always carefully abstained entrusted with the duty of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed my only desire was that the people of kansas should furnish to congress the evidence required by the organic act whether for or against slavery and in this manner smooth their passage into the union in emerging from the condition of territorial dependence into that of a sovereign state it was their duty in my opinion to make known their will by the votes of the majority on the direct question whether this important domestic institution should or should not continue to exist indeed this was the only possible mode in which their will could be authentically ascertained the election of delegates to a convention must necessarily take place in separate districts from this cause it may readily happen as has often been the case that a majority of the people of a state or territory are on one side of a question whilst a majority of the representatives from the several districts into which it is divided may be upon the other side this arises from the fact that in some districts delegates may be elected by small majorities whilst in others those of different sentiments may receive majorities sufficiently great not only to overcome the votes given for the former but to leave a large majority of the whole people in direct opposition to a majority of the delegate besides our history proves that influences may be brought to bear on the representative sufficiently powerful to induce him to disregard the will of his constituents the truth is that no other authentic and satisfactory mode exists of ascertaining the will of the majority of the people of any state or territory on an important and exciting question like that of slavery in kansas except by leaving it to a direct vote how wise then was it for congress to pass over all subordinate and intermediate agencies and proceed directly to the source of all legitimate power under our institutions how vain would any other principle prove in practice this may be illustrated by the case of kansas should she be admitted into the union with a constitution either maintaining or abolishing slavery against the sentiment of the people this could have no other effect than to continue and to exasperate the existing agitation during the brief period required to make the constitution conform to the irresistible will of the majority the friends and supporters of the nebraska and kansas act when struggling on a recent occasion to sustain its wise provisions before the great tribunal of the american people never differed about its true meaning on this subject everywhere throughout the union they publicly pledged their faith and their honor that they would cheerfully submit the question of slavery to the decision of the bona fide people of kansas without any restriction or qualification whatever all were cordially united upon the great doctrine of popular sovereignty which is the vital principle of our free institutions had it then been insinuated from any quarter that it would be a sufficient compliance with the requisitions of the organic law for the members of a convention thereafter to be elected to withhold the question of slavery from the people and to substitute their own will for that of a legally ascertained majority of all their constituents this would have been instantly rejected everywhere they remained true to the resolution adopted on a celebrated occasion recognizing the right of the people of all the territories including kansas and nebraska acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it to form a constitution with or without slavery and be admitted into the union upon terms of perfect equality with the other states the the convention to frame a constitution for kansas met on the first monday of september last they were called together by virtue of an act of the territorial legislature whose lawful existence had been recognized by congress in different forms and by different enactments a large proportion of the citizens of kansas did not think it proper to register their names and to vote at the election for delegate but an opportunity to do this having been fairly afforded their refusal to avail themselves of their right could in no manner affect the legality of the convention this convention proceeded to frame a constitution for kansas and finally adjourned on the seventh day of november but little difficulty occurred in the convention except on the subject of slavery the truth is that the general provisions of our recent state constitutions are so similar and i may add so excellent that the difference between them is not essential under the earlier practice of the government no constitution framed by the convention of a territory preparatory to its admission into the union as a state had been submitted to the people i trust however the example set by the last congress requiring that the constitution of minnesota should be subject to the approval and ratification of the people of the proposed state may be followed on future occasions i took it for granted that the convention of kansas would act in accordance with this example rounded as it is on correct principles and hence my instructions to governor walker in favor of submitting the constitution to the people were expressed in general and unqualified terms in the kansas-nebraska act however this requirement as applicable to the whole constitution had not been inserted and the convention were not bound by its terms to submit any other portion of the instrument to an election except that which relates to the domestic institution of slavery this will be rendered clear by a simple reference to its language it was not to legislate slavery into any territory or state nor to exclude it therefrom but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way according to the plain construction of the sentence the words domestic institutions have a direct as they have an appropriate reference to slavery domestic institutions are limited to the family the relation between master and slave and a few others are domestic institutions and are entirely distinct from institutions of a political character besides there was no question then before congress nor indeed has there since been any serious question before the people of kansas or the country except that which relates to the domestic institution of slavery the convention after an angry and excited debate finally determined by a majority of only two to submit the question of slavery to the people though at the last forty-three of the fifty delegates present affixed their signatures to the constitution a large majority of the convention were in favor of establishing slavery in kansas they accordingly inserted an article in the constitution for this purpose similar in form to those which had been adopted by other territorial conventions in the schedule however providing for the transition from a territorial to a state government the question has been fairly and explicitly referred to the people whether they will have a constitution with or without slavery it declares that before the constitution adopted by the convention shall be sent to congress for admission into the union as a state an election shall be held to decide this question at which all the white male inhabitants of the territory above the age of twenty-one are entitled to vote they are to vote by ballot and the ballots cast at such election shall be endorsed constitution with slavery and constitution with no slavery if there be a majority in favor of the constitution with slavery then it is to be transmitted to congress by the president of the convention in its original form if on the contrary there shall be a majority in favor of the constitution with no slavery then the article providing for slavery shall be stricken from the constitution by the president of this convention and it is expressly declared that no slavery shall exist in the state of kansas except that the right of property in slaves now in the territory shall in no manner be interfered with and in that event it is made his duty to have the constitution thus ratified transmitted to the congress of the united states for the admission of the state into the union at this election every citizen will have an opportunity of expressing his opinion by his vote whether kansas shall be received into the union with or without slavery and thus this exciting question may be peacefully settled in the very mode required by the organic law the election will be held under legitimate authority and if any portion of the inhabitants shall refuse to vote a fair opportunity to do so having been presented this will be their own voluntary act and they alone will be responsible for the consequences whether kansas shall be a free or a slave state must eventually under some authority be decided by an election and the question can never be more clearly or distinctly presented to the people than it is at the present moment should this opportunity be rejected she may be involved for years in domestic discord and possibly in civil war before she can again make up the issue now so fortunately tendered and again reach the point she has already attained kansas has for some years occupied too much of the public attention it is high time this should be directed to far more important objects when once admitted into the union whether with or without slavery the excitement beyond her own limits will speedily pass away and she will then for the first time be left as she ought to have been long since to manage her own affairs in her own way if her constitution on the subject of slavery or any other subject be displeasing to a majority of the people no human power can prevent them from changing it within a brief period under these circumstances it may well be questioned whether the peace and quiet of the whole country are not of greater importance than the mere temporary triumph of either of the political parties in kansas should the constitution without slavery be adopted by the votes of the majority the rights of property in slaves now in the territory are reserved the number of these is very small but if it were greater the provision would be equally just and reasonable the slaves were brought into the territory under the constitution of the united states and are now the property of their masters this point has at length been finally decided by the highest judicial tribunal of the country and this upon the plain principle that when a confederacy of sovereign states acquire a new territory at their joint expense both equality and justice demand that the citizens of one and all of them shall have the right to take into it whatsoever is recognized as property by the common constitution to have summarily confiscated the property and slaves already in the territory would have been an act of gross injustice and contrary to the practice of the older states of the union which have abolished slavery a territorial government was established for utah by act of congress approved the ninth september eighteen fifty and the constitution and laws of the united states were thereby extended over it so far as the same or any provisions thereof may be applicable this act provided for the appointment by the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate of a governor who was to be ex officio superintendent of indian affairs a secretary three judges of the supreme court a marshal and a district attorney subsequent acts provided for the appointment of the officers necessary to extend our land and our indian system over the territory brigham young was appointed the first governor on the twentieth september eighteen fifty and has held the office ever since whilst governor young has been both governor and superintendent of indian affairs throughout this period he has been at the same time the head of the church called the latter-day saints and professes to govern its members and dispose of their property by direct inspiration and authority from the almighty his power has been therefore absolute over both church and state the people of utah almost exclusively belong to this church and believing with a fanatical spirit that he is governor of the territory by divine appointment they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations from heaven if therefore he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the united states the members of the mormon church will yield implicit obedience to his will unfortunately existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination without entering upon a minute history of occurrences it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the united states judicial and executive with the single exception of two indian agents have found it necessary for their own personal safety to withdraw from the territory and there no longer remains any government in utah but the despotism of brigham young this being the condition of affairs in the territory i could not mistake the path of duty as chief executive magistrate i was bound to restore the supremacy of the constitution and laws within its limits in order to effect this purpose i appointed a new governor and other federal officers for utah and sent with them a military force for their protection and to aid as a posse comitatus in case of need in the execution of the laws with the religious opinions of the mormons as long as they remained mere opinions however deplorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all christendom i had no right to interfere actions alone when in violation of the constitution and laws of the united states become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate my instructions to governor cumming have therefore been framed in strict accordance with these principles at their date a hope was indulged that no necessity might exist for employing the military in restoring and maintaining the authority of the law but this hope has now vanished governor young has by proclamation declared his determination to maintain his power by force and has already committed acts of hostility against the united states unless he should retrace his steps the territory of utah will be in a state of open rebellion he has committed these acts of hostility notwithstanding major van vliet an officer of the army sent to utah by the commanding general to purchase provisions for the troops had given him the strongest assurances of the peaceful intentions of the government and that the troops would only be employed as a posse comitatus when called on by the civil authority to aid in the execution of the laws There is reason to believe that Governor Young has long contemplated this result.

He knows that the continuance of his despotic power depends upon the exclusion of all settlers from the territory, except those who will acknowledge his divine mission and implicitly obey his will, and that an enlightened public opinion there would soon prostrate institutions at war with the laws of both God and man.

he has therefore for several years in order to maintain his independence been industriously employed in collecting and fabricating arms and munitions of war and in disciplining the mormons for military service as superintendent of indian affairs he has had an opportunity of tampering with the indian tribes and exciting their hostile feelings against the united states this according to our information he has accomplished in regard to some of these tribes while others have remained true to their allegiance and have communicated his intrigues to our indian agents he has laid in a store of provisions for three years which in case of necessity as he informed major van vliet he will conceal and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government a great part of all this may be idle boasting but yet no wise government will lightly estimate the efforts which may be inspired by such friendly fanaticism as exists among the mormons in utah this is the first rebellion which has existed in our territories and humanity itself requires that we should put it down in such a manner that it shall be the last to trifle with it would be to encourage it and to render it formidable we ought to go there with such an imposing force as to convince these deluded people that resistance would be vain and thus spare the effusion of blood we can in this manner best convince them that we are their friends not their enemies in order to accomplish this object it will be necessary according to the estimate of the war department to raise four additional regiments and this i earnestly recommend to congress at the present moment of depression in the revenues of the country i am sorry to be obliged to recommend such a measure but i feel confident of the support of congress cost what it may in suppressing the insurrection and in restoring and maintaining the sovereignty of the constitution and laws over the territory of utah i recommend to congress the establishment of a territorial government over arizona incorporating with it such portions of new mexico as they may deem expedient i need scarcely adduce arguments in support of this recommendation we are bound to protect the lives and the property of our citizens inhabiting arizona and these are now without any efficient protection their present number is already considerable and is rapidly increasing notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they labor besides the proposed territory is believed to be rich in mineral and agricultural resources especially in silver and copper the mails of the united states to california are now carried over it through its whole extent and this route is known to be the nearest and believed to be the best to the pacific long experience has deeply convinced me that a strict construction of the powers granted to congress is the only true as well as the only safe theory of the constitution whilst this principle shall guide my public conduct i consider it clear that under the war-making power congress may appropriate money for the construction of a military road through the territories of the united states when this is absolutely necessary for the defense of any of the states against foreign invasion the constitution has conferred upon congress power to declare war to raise and support armies to provide and maintain a navy and to call forth the militia to repel invasions these high sovereign powers necessarily involve important and responsible public duties and among them there is none so sacred and so imperative as that of preserving our soil from the invasion of a foreign enemy the constitution has therefore left nothing on this point to construction but expressly requires that the united states shall protect each of them the states against invasion now if a military road over our own territories be indispensably necessary to enable us to meet and repel the invader it follows as a necessary consequence not only that we possess the power but it is our imperative duty to construct such a road it would be an absurdity to invest a government with the unlimited power to make and conduct war and at the same time deny to it the only means of reaching and defeating the enemy at the frontier without such a road it is quite evident we cannot protect california and our pacific possessions against invasion we cannot by any other means transport men and munitions of war from the atlantic states in sufficient times successfully to defend these remote and distant portions of the republic experience has proved that the routes across the isthmus of central america are at best but a very uncertain and unreliable mode of communication but even if this were not the case they would at once be closed against us in the event of war with a naval power so much stronger than our own as to enable it to blockade the ports at either end of these routes after all therefore we can only rely upon a military road through our own territories and ever since the origin of the government congress has been in the practice of appropriating money from the public treasury for the construction of such roads the difficulties in the expense of constructing a military railroad to connect our atlantic and pacific states have been greatly exaggerated the distance on the arizona route near the thirty second parallel of north latitude between the western boundary of texas on the rio grande and the eastern boundary of california on the colorado from the best explorations now within our knowledge does not exceed four hundred seventy miles and the face of the country is in the main favorable for obvious reasons the government ought not to undertake the work itself by means of its own agents this ought to be committed to other agencies which congress might assist either by grants of land or money or by both upon such terms and conditions as they may deem it most beneficial for the country provision might thus be made not only for the safe rapid and economical transportation of troops and munitions of war but also of the public mails the commercial interests of the whole country both east and west would be greatly promoted by such a road and above all it would be a powerful additional bond of union and although advantages of this kind whether postal commercial or political cannot confer constitutional power yet they may furnish auxiliary arguments in favor of expediting a work which in my judgment is clearly embraced within the war-making power for these reasons i commend to the friendly consideration of congress the subject of the pacific railroad without finally committing myself to any particular route the report of the secretary of the treasury will furnish a detailed statement of the condition of the public finances and of the respective branches of the public service devolved upon that department of the government by this report it appears that the amount of revenue received from all sources into the treasury during the fiscal year ending the thirtieth june eighteen fifty seven was sixty eight million six hundred thirty one thousand five hundred thirteen dollars sixty seven cents which amount with a balance of nineteen million nine hundred and one thousand three hundred twenty five dollars forty five cents remaining in the treasury at the commencement of the year made an aggregate for the service of the year of eighty eight million five hundred thirty two thousand eight hundred thirty nine dollars and twelve cents the public expenditures for the fiscal year ending thirtieth june eighteen fifty seven amounted to seventy million eight hundred twenty two thousand seven hundred twenty four dollars and eighty five cents of which five million nine hundred forty three thousand eight hundred ninety six dollars and ninety one cents were applied to the redemption of the public debt including interest and premium leaving in the treasury at the commencement of the present fiscal year on the first july eighteen fifty seven seventeen million seven hundred ten thousand one hundred fourteen dollars and twenty seven cents the receipts into the treasury for the first quarter of the present fiscal year commencing one july eighteen fifty seven were twenty million nine hundred twenty nine thousand eight hundred nineteen dollars and eighty one cents and the estimated receipts of the remaining three quarters of the thirtieth june eighteen fifty eight are thirty six million seven hundred fifty thousand dollars making with the balance before stated an aggregate of seventy five million three hundred eighty nine thousand nine hundred thirty four dollars and eight cents for the service of the present fiscal year the actual expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were twenty three million seven hundred fourteen thousand five hundred twenty eight dollars and thirty seven cents of which three million eight hundred ninety five thousand two hundred thirty two dollars and thirty nine cents were applied to the redemption of the public debt including interest and premium the probable expenditures of the remaining three quarters to thirtieth june eighteen fifty eight are fifty one million two hundred forty eight thousand five hundred thirty dollars and four cents including interest on the public debt making an aggregate of seventy four million nine hundred sixty three thousand fifty eight dollars and forty one cents leaving an estimated balance in the treasury at the close of the present fiscal year of four hundred twenty six thousand eight hundred seventy five dollars and sixty seven cents the amount of the public debt at the commencement of the present fiscal year was twenty nine million sixty thousand three hundred eighty six dollars and ninety cents the amount redeemed since the first of july was three million eight hundred ninety five thousand two hundred thirty two dollars and thirty nine cents leaving a balance unredeemed at this time of twenty five million one hundred sixty five thousand one hundred fifty four dollars and fifty one cents the amount of estimated expenditures for the remaining three-quarters of the present fiscal year will in all probability be increased from the causes set forth in the report of the secretary his suggestion therefore that authority should be given to supply any temporary deficiency by the issue of a limited amount of treasury notes is approved and i accordingly recommend the passage of such a law as stated in the report of the secretary the tariff of march third eighteen fifty seven has been in operation for so short a period of time and under circumstances so unfavorable to a just development of its results as a revenue measure that i should regard it as inexpedient at least for the present to undertake its revision i transmit herewith the reports made to me by the secretaries of war and of the navy of the interior and of the postmaster-general they all contain valuable and important information and suggestions which i commend to the favorable consideration of congress i have already recommended the raising of four additional regiments and the report of the secretary of war presents strong reasons proving this increase of the army under existing circumstances to be indispensable i would call the special attention of congress to the recommendation of the secretary of the navy in favor of the construction of ten small war steamers of light draft for some years the government has been obliged on many occasions to hire such steamers from individuals to supply its pressing wants at the present moment we have no armed vessel in the navy which can penetrate the rivers of china we have but few which can enter any of the harbors south of norfolk although many millions of foreign and domestic commerce annually pass in and out of these harbors some of our most valuable interests and most vulnerable points are thus left exposed this class of vessels of light draft great speed and heavy guns would be formidable in coast defense the cost of their construction will not be great and they will require but a comparatively small expenditure to keep them in commission in time of peace they will prove as effective as much larger vessels and more useful one of them should be at every station where we maintain a squadron and three or four should be constantly employed on our atlantic and pacific coasts economy utility and efficiency combined to recommend them as almost indispensable ten of these small vessels would be of incalculable advantage to the naval service and the whole cost of their construction would not exceed two million three hundred thousand dollars or two hundred thirty thousand dollars each the report of the secretary of the interior is worthy of grave consideration it treats of the numerous important and diversified branches of domestic administration entrusted to him by law among these the most prominent are the public lands and our relations with the indians our system for the disposal of the public lands originating with the fathers of the republic has been improved as experience pointed the way and gradually adapted to the growth and settlement of our western states and territories it has worked well in practice already thirteen states and seven territories have been carved out of these lands and still more than a thousand millions of acres remain unsold what a boundless prospect this presents to our country of future prosperity and power we have heretofore disposed of three hundred sixty three million eight hundred sixty two thousand four hundred sixty four acres of the public land whilst the public lands as a source of revenue are of great importance their importance is far greater as furnishing homes for a hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens who desire to subdue and cultivate the soil they ought to be administered mainly with a view of promoting this wise and benevolent policy and appropriating them for any other purpose we ought to use even greater economy than if they had been converted into money and the proceeds were already in the public treasury to squander away this richest and noblest inheritance which any people have ever enjoyed upon objects of doubtful constitutionality or expediency would be to violate one of the most important trusts ever committed to any people whilst i do not deny to congress the power when acting bona fide as a proprietor to give away portions of them for the purpose of increasing the value of the remainder yet considering the great temptation to abuse this power we cannot be too cautious in its exercise actual settlers under existing laws are protected against other purchasers at the public sales in their right of preemption to the extent of a quarter section or one hundred sixty acres of land the remainder may then be disposed of at public or entered at private sale in unlimited quantities speculation has of late years prevailed to a great extent in the public lands the consequence has been that large portions of them have become the property of individuals and companies and thus the price is greatly enhanced to those who desire to purchase for actual settlement in order to limit the area of speculation as much as possible the extinction of the indian title and the extension of the public surveys ought only to keep pace with the tide of emigration if congress should hereafter grant alternative sections to state or companies as they have done heretofore i recommend that the intermediate sections retained by the government should be subject to preemption by actual settlers it ought ever to be our cardinal policy to reserve the public lands as much as may be for actual settlers and this at moderate prices we shall thus not only best promote the prosperity of the new states and territories and the power of the union but shall secure homes for our posterity for many generations the extension of our limits has brought within our jurisdiction many additional and populous tribes of indians a large proportion of which are wild untractable and difficult to control predatory and warlike in their disposition and habits it is impossible altogether to restrain them from committing aggressions on each other as well as upon our frontier citizens and those emigrating to our distant states and territories hence expensive military expeditions are frequently necessary to overawe and chastise the more lawless and hostile the present system of making them valuable presents to influence them to remain at peace has proved ineffectual it is believed to be the better policy to colonize them in suitable localities where they can receive the rudiments of education and be gradually induced to adopt habits of industry so far as the experiment has been tried it has worked well in practice and it will doubtless prove to be less expensive than the present system the whole number of indians within our territorial limits is believed to be from the best data in the interior department about three hundred twenty five thousand the tribes of cherokees choctaws chickasaws and creeks settled in the territory set apart for them west of arkansas are rapidly advancing in education and in all the arts of civilization and self-government and we may indulge the agreeable anticipation that at no very distant day they will be incorporated into the union as one of the sovereign states it will be seen from the report of the postmaster-general that the post office department still continues to depend upon the treasury as it has been compelled to do for several years past for an important part of the means of sustaining and extending its operation their rapid growth and expansion are shown by a decennial statement of the number of post offices and the length of post roads commencing with the year eighteen twenty seven in that year there were seven thousand post offices in eighteen thirty seven eleven thousand one hundred seventy seven in eighteen forty seven fifteen thousand one hundred forty six and in eighteen fifty seven they number twenty six thousand five hundred eighty six in this year seventeen hundred and twenty five post offices have been established and seven hundred and four discontinued leaving a net increase of one thousand and twenty one the postmasters of three hundred and sixty eight offices are appointed by the president the length of post roads in eighteen twenty seven was one hundred five thousand three hundred thirty six miles in eighteen thirty seven one hundred forty one thousand two hundred forty two miles in eighteen forty seven one hundred fifty three thousand eight hundred eighteen miles and in the year eighteen fifty seven there are two hundred forty two thousand six hundred and one miles of post road including twenty two thousand five hundred thirty miles of railroad on which the mails are transported the expenditures of the department for the fiscal year ending on the thirtieth june eighteen fifty seven as adjusted by the auditor amounted to eleven million five hundred seven thousand six hundred and seventy dollars to defray these expenditures there was to the credit of the department on the first july eighteen fifty six the sum of seven hundred eighty nine thousand five hundred ninety nine dollars The gross revenue of the year, including the annual allowances for the transportation of free mail matter, produced $8,053,951, and the remainder was supplied by the appropriation from the Treasury of $2,250,000, granted by the Act of Congress approved August 18, 1856. and by the appropriation of six hundred sixty six thousand eight hundred eighty three dollars made by the act of march third eighteen fifty seven leaving two hundred fifty two thousand seven hundred sixty three dollars to be carried to the credit of the department in the accounts of the current year i commend to your consideration the report of the department in relation to the establishment of the overland mail route from the mississippi river to san francisco california the route was selected with my full concurrence as the one in my judgment best calculated to attain the important objects contemplated by congress the late disastrous monetary revulsion may have one good effect should it cause both the government and the people to return to the practice of a wise and judicious economy both in public and private expenditures an overflowing treasury has led to habits of prodigality and extravagance in our legislation it has induced congress to make large appropriations to objects for which they never would have provided had it been necessary to raise the amount of revenue required to meet them by increased taxation or by loans we are now compelled to pause in our career and to scrutinize our expenditures with the utmost vigilance and in performing this duty i pledge my cooperation to the extent of my constitutional competency it ought to be observed at the same time that true public economy does not consist in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects entrusted to us by the constitution and especially such as may be necessary for the common defense in the present crisis of the country it is our duty to confine our appropriations to objects of this character unless in cases where justice to individuals may demand a different course in all cases care ought to be taken that the money granted by congress shall be faithfully and economically applied under the federal constitution every bill which shall have passed the house of representatives and the senate shall before it becomes a law be approved and signed by the president and if not approved he shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated in order to perform this high and responsible duty sufficient time must be allowed the president to read and examine every bill presented to him for approval unless this be afforded the constitution becomes a dead letter in this particular and even worse it becomes a means of deception our constituents seeing the president's approval and signature attached to each act of congress are induced to believe that he has actually performed his duty when in truth nothing is in many cases more unfounded from the practice of congress such an examination of each bill as the constitution requires has been rendered impossible the most important business of each session is generally crowded into its last hours and the alternative presented to the president is either to violate the constitutional duty which he owes to the people and approve bills for want of time it is impossible he should have examined or by his refusal to do this subject the country and individuals to great loss and inconvenience besides a practice has grown up of late years to legislate appropriation bills at the last hours of the session on new and important subjects this practice constrains the president either to suffer measures to become laws which he does not approve or to incur the risk of stopping the wheels of the government by vetoing an appropriation bill formally such bills were confined to specific appropriations for carrying into effect existing laws and the well-established policy of the country and little time was then required by the president for their examination for my own part i have deliberately determined that i shall approve no bills which i have not examined and it will be a case of extreme and most urgent necessity which shall ever induce me to depart from this rule i therefore respectfully but earnestly recommend that the two houses would allow the president at least two days previous to the adjournment of each session within which no new bill shall be presented to him for approval under the existing joint rule one day is allowed but this rule has been hitherto so constantly suspended in practice that important bills continue to be presented to him up till the very last moments of the session in a large majority of cases no great public inconvenience can arise from the want of time to examine their provisions because the constitution has declared that if a bill be presented to the president within the last ten days of the session he is not required to return it either with an approval or with a veto in which case it shall not be a law it may then lie over and be taken up and passed at the next session great inconvenience would only be experienced in regard to appropriation bills but fortunately under the late excellent law allowing a salary instead of a per diem to members of congress the expense and inconvenience of a called session will be greatly reduced I cannot conclude without commending to your favorable consideration the interests of the people of this district.

i repeat the recommendation made in my message of december last in favor of an appropriation to be paid to the spanish government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the amistad case president polk first made a similar recommendation in december eighteen forty seven and it was repeated by my immediate predecessor in december of eighteen fifty three I entertain no doubt that indemnity is fairly due to these claimants under our treaty with Spain of October 27, 1795, and whilst demanding justice, we ought to do justice.

And no regulations, however stiff or rigid, will prevent this, because such regulations, in view of the method and motive for selection, are plainly inconsistent and deemed hardly worthy of respect.

State of the Union Address, William H. Taft, December third, nineteen twelve, part one.

To the Senate and House of Representatives.

The foreign relations of the United States actually and potentially affect the state of the Union to a degree not widely realized and hardly surpassed by any other factor in the welfare of the whole nation.

The position of the United States in the moral, intellectual, and material relations of the family of nations should be a matter of vital interest to every patriotic citizen.

The national prosperity and power impose upon us duties which we cannot shirk if we are to be true to our ideals.

The rules and the method of procedure embodied in the award provided for determining by an impartial tribunal the reasonableness of any new fishery regulations on the treaty coasts of Newfoundland and Canada before such regulations could be enforced against American fishermen exercising their treaty liberties on those coasts, and also for determining the delimitation of bays on such coasts more than ten miles wide, in accordance with the definition adopted by the tribunal of the meaning of the word bays as used in the treaty.

In the subsequent negotiations between the two governments, undertaken for the purpose of giving practical effect to these rules and methods of procedure, It was found that certain modifications therein were desirable from the point of view of both governments, and these negotiations have finally resulted in the agreement above mentioned by which the award recommendations as modified by mutual consent of the two governments are finally adopted and made effective, thus bringing this century-old controversy to a final conclusion, which is equally beneficial and satisfactory to both governments.

Section 3.

He shall from time to time give to Congress information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.

he may on extraordinary occasions convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper.

He shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers, he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States.

So I would say that's probably not a wise choice.

You know, I love when I do the State of the Union.

They have this guy with this great voice.

He's got that thing, bing, bing, bing.

End of discussions.

in terms of moving forward, especially with the state of the union coming up, the president has a Supreme opportunity to do what you would recommend it.

All of us had recommended months ago and put big group, juicy new tax cuts on the table.

They won't get past, but they set the stage for a mandate in 2028 of capital gains, index it, reduce tax rates, do all those good things that people have something to look forward to set the agenda, a positive agenda.

So.

Engineer guy says, what should Trump offer in the coming State of the Union address? Should he confront the new crazies installed in Congress? He has nothing to lose anymore.

So give it Congress.

Give it to Congress.

And I know the mail pieces on conservative mail pieces here in two years from now or 18 months from now, they're going to have Akeem Jeffries on them and they're going to have – whoever the majority leader is, Schumer, in the Senate on them, along with whatever Democrat candidate that someone is running against, because they're going to get tied in to this weaponization of the federal government, this Trump derangement syndrome.

People are going to be going after him and his entire family and everybody that's close to him, And so I think you're going to have the investigations, the impeachment investigations and the impeachment that follows.

But, yeah, I think he should go hard on the State of the Union and talk about how he saved us from Iran having a nuclear weapon.

And he's getting rid of the endangerment finding that just endangered our lives for decades.

And if you look at how awesome and what a great job they did in 2025, they're just delivering on all these promises.

And then you go to Trump's State of the Union in 2026, which was one of the best ever.

And I didn't see one political ad.

There were probably 10 political ads in Trump's 2026 State of the Union because he talks about his accomplishments.

And then he shows how wacko the Democrats are because they won't even stand and clap for a girl who escaped transgender surgery.

And you didn't do any of that.