Stalinism

And yet they all believed in a master narrative, which was basically Marxism.

Uh, you know, they, uh, a lot of these people were m- you know, Julia Kristeva, uh, in the kitchen of Telluride House told me that Stalinism really had a point.

[laughs] Mm.

Uh, and it just seemed to me that if you don't believe in m-master narratives, you know, you shouldn't believe in Stalinism either.

Um-

And are, are these...

Uh, I wrote a memo to J- that my boss, Dennis Ross, who was the head of the policy planning staff, who was very close to Baker.

So I wrote a memo in May where I said, "Look, uh, Hungary and, uh, and Poland are already transitioning to democracy.

His father was absolutely CIA, and I'm sure he still is.

And what they were was the anti-Stalinist left, which was sponsored by the CIA so that they, you could have your socialism as long as you didn't go towards Stalin, as long as you became, was, or allied with the US.

But that battle's been fought and lost.

We are all social Democrats really.

Like how embarrassing is it that Satan takes the conservative movement to bring in the mark of the beast that the conservative movement-

It's the anti Ron Paul right.

It's the exact parallel of the anti-Stalinist left, which was a CIA operation.

It's how you got it.

And so theirs is the process of the slow build.

A little different than the Stalinist type of socialism, which precipitated the Cold War.

The Chinese method is more methodical.

Now, how does it work? Well, to me it works in a very simple principle, which is to some degree also seen in India.

And I'm sure he still is.

And what they were was the anti-Stalinist left, which was sponsored by the CIA, so that you could have your socialism as long as you didn't go towards Stalin, as long as you were allied with the U.S.

But that battle's been fought and lost.

We are all social Democrats, really.

It's the

anti-Ron Paul right.

It's the exact parallel of the anti-Stalinist left, which was a CIA operation.

It's how you got it.

Louise Klein goes on to say, And this is where it gets fun.

Like Stalinism or the Khmer Rouge, anti-Zionism represents a wrong turn for the left.

Yeah, that great leftist Henry Kissinger and his support for the Khmer Rouge.

Yes.

we didn't have a mind but we didn't because because yeah it was tragic and completely up it he was he was like his theater was closed his wife was stabbed in her own bed he he was he was taken into custody he was he was like I don't know, inhumanly tortured, and then he got shot by point-blank range into the neck.

He got purged, right? Yeah, he fell into the Stalinist meat grinder.

Yeah.

Was

But yeah, you're...

I guess you're kind of right, but maybe it was just like power play in times of like, you know, a party makes politics, you know, which is dealing with questions of, shit, we have to implement now the new economic policy and, you know, you know we have to wage labor is still um in in the very fabric of our society and power structures and the classes and the you know the state is here and the it it tooks it takes long and and there's like like times of war and and being threatened by being threatened by you know the the imperialist approach to to delegitimize and but but the the whole thing it was like I think he was simply too radical or or too too much he put too much focus not not on the I don't know class struggle but on the on on one one or two chapters in the first book of of the capital and it was like so but but let's well let's can i can so so yeah

I just think that the Stalinist line was that the material forces of production would eventually outstrip the social relations defined as capital relations and that In this way, socialism was inevitable through technological and material development.

And Lukács was suggesting that the development of ideas and our self-understanding could be as important as the material changes that technological development was we're bringing about.

My favorite historians are the school of historians that came out of Britain post-World War II.

They were all Marxists, and they were all Stalinist sympathizers, like Eric Hobsbawm and... and others.

So they were.

But the way that they looked at.

The first kind of strategic debate was what is sometimes described as the dilemma between war and revolution, which I think is a very misleading way of characterizing what the debate was really about.

The middle class Republicans, the reformists and the Stalinists of the Communist Party argued that in order to win the war, it was necessary really to put the revolution on hold.

It was necessary to rebuild the Republican state.

It was necessary to restore order.