Sargon of Akkad

And then you've highlighted this very much in some of your videos.

There's a lot of weirdness when you compare some of these stories, like the story of Moses and Sargon of Akkad.

They, they seem incredibly similar.

Yeah.

That's drinkag1.com/joerogan.

Yeah, I think, I think there's der- definitely some kind of genetic relationship between the two, and specifically it's the story of him as a baby being placed into, uh, a container and set adrift in, in a river.

That is Sargon the Great, who dates to long before, uh, a historical Moses.

But that tradition, I think the earliest version of it we've found in the, uh, Akkadian literature dates to maybe ninth or eighth century BCE, which is around the time that people think that, uh, or the scholars think that, uh, the tradition of Moses and the narrative of the Exodus was beginning to come together.

There are two points which it seemed to me of sufficient importance to justify my expression of dissent from his views.

These are the geographical situation of the land of Magan and the historical character of the annals of Sargon of Akkad.

The evidence about Magan is very clear.

Magan is usually associated with the country of Melukhak, the salt desert, and in every text in which its geographical position is indicated, it is placed in the immediate vicinity of Egypt.

It was this list which originally led Opert, Lenormant, and myself independently to the conviction that Magan was to be looked for in the Sinaitic peninsula.

Magan included, however, the Midian of Scripture, and the city of Magan, called Makan in Semitic Assyrian, is probably the Makhna of classical geography, now represented by the ruins of Mukna.

As I have always maintained the historical character of the annals of Sargon of Akkad, long before recent discoveries led Professor Hilprecht and others to adopt the same view, it is as well to state why I consider them worthy of credit.

In themselves the annals contain nothing improbable.

There are two points which it seemed to me of sufficient importance to justify my expression of dissent from his views.

These are the geographical situation of the land of Magan and the historical character of the annals of Sargon of Akkad.

The evidence about Magan is very clear.

Magan is usually associated with the country of Melukhakh, the salt desert, and in every text in which its geographical position is indicated, it is placed in the immediate vicinity of Egypt.

It was this list which originally led Opert, Lenormant and myself independently to the conviction that Magan was to be looked for in the Sinaitic peninsula.

Magan included, however, the Midian of Scripture and the city of Magan, called Makan in Semitic Assyrian, is probably the Makhna of classical geography, now represented by the ruins of Mukna.

As I have always maintained the historical character of the annals of Sargon of Akkad, long before recent discoveries led Professor Hilprecht and others to adopt the same view, it is as well to state why I consider them worthy of credit.

In themselves the annals contain nothing improbable.

His name was Sargon, born to a humble gardener who worked his way up to be cupbearer to the king.

But Sargon of Akkad had ambition that would lead him far beyond gardens and cups.

Up until now, it was the Sumerian Leviathan who conquered.

Much of the land around it had fallen under its sway.

But for the first time, Sumer would soon be conquered itself.

And it would be Sargon of Akkad who would do it.

One by one, cities fell.

First Simeram, then Aram, then Mari.

I had them recited in order before Shamash.

The royal image, a statue of Akkad, brought up visions before me and cried out, 'What pernicious portent have you tolerated in the royal image?' Again it spoke, 'Say to the gardener,' and here the cuneiform becomes unreadable, but then goes on, 'It made inquiry concerning Ningaladina, Shamash Ibni, and Naid Marduk.

Concerning the rebellion in the land, it said, 'Take the walled cities one after the other, that a cursed one will not be able to stand before the gardener.'" End quote.

So, like, in this royal letter, right, uh, he's reciting portents before the idol, the royal image.

The image is responding back to him and asking him questions, and it's telling him what to do, and it's making inquiries concerning all of these other people, and it's, it's strategizing regarding how he should deal with a rebellion.

Uh, the references to the gardener, uh, you know, in Mesopotamia, gardeners were, like, a highly respected profession.

I believe it was Sargon of Akkad who, who was, uh, raised by a gardener.

He, he, like, proudly recounted this fact and, uh, often referred to himself as such, which, you know, I guess that's very different from the way, uh, rulers tend to conceive of themselves today.

Yeah, and as you move into the end time, what we're talking about is the ancient Babylon religion rising again in the end time, which rose again after the flood at babel but actually is rooted in enochian mysticism before the flood it is the same religion they would prefer to take any time other than the end time to introduce the antichrist they have been produced they've been trying to present the antichrist in the antediluvian world and with even very early into the post-diluvian world with nimrod you can look at people like Nebuchadnezzar.

You can look at people like Sargon.

You can look at people like Alexander, Napoleon, Adolf Hitler.

The spirit of the Antichrist has always been there, will always be there, and is trying to raise an Antichrist figure to the throne of power.

Akkad was the centre of what many historians call the world's first empire.

Around the 24th century BCE, Sargon of Akkad transformed southern Mesopotamia through conquest, alliance, administration, and raw military force.

He united city-states that had spent centuries competing with one another.

Then he pushed outward, into Syria, Elam, Anatolia, and lands beyond the familiar river valleys.

Tribute, grain, livestock, timber, stone, metals and labour moved through networks on a scale earlier city-states had never achieved.

The empire did not erase local identities, but it placed them beneath a new structure of power, and that structure looked unstoppable.

Sargon's grandson, Naram-Sin, took the project even further.

He called himself King of the Four Quarters, meaning ruler of the entire world as Mesopotamians understood it.