Republic

Office, age 25 through 43, 1494 through 1512.

The second period of Machiavelli's life was spent in the service of the Free Republic of Florence, which flourished, as stated above, from the expulsion of the Medici in 1494 until their return in 1512.

After serving four years in one of the public offices, he was appointed chancellor and secretary to the Second Chancery, the Ten of Liberty and Peace.

Here we are on firm ground when dealing with the events of Machiavelli's life, for during this time he took a leading part in the affairs of the Republic, and we have its decrees, records, and dispatches to guide us, as well as his own writings.

A mere recapitulation of a few of his transactions with the statesmen and soldiers of his time gives fair indication of his activities and supplies the sources from which he drew the experience and characters which illustrate The Prince.

His first mission was in 1499 to Catherine Sforza, my lady of Forli, of The Prince, from whose conduct and fate he drew the moral that it is far better to earn the confidence of the people than to rely on fortresses.

The Emperor Maximilian was one of the most interesting men of the age.

The character has been drawn by many hands, but Machiavelli, who was an envoy at his court in 1507 through 1508, reveals the secret of his many failures when he describes him as a secretive man, without force of character, ignoring the human agencies necessary to carry his schemes into effect, and never insisting on the fulfillment of his wishes.

No doubt, because he will have achieved not just in the US, but in the world, a level of change that will be astonishing.

Well, Washington gave us the Republic, but Trump will save the Republic and Western civilization while he's at it.

A book here he's pushing.

Nope, it's not a book.

And supporting somebody who does that I don't think makes me a sycophant.

I think it's called putting credit where it's due.

Four hours ago, unwatchable and failing CNN is so dishonest, everything they say slanted against the Republican Party.

They're truly fake news.

Welcome to the 25th episode of the European Republic, the podcast where we talk about how to make Europe more sovereign, more prosperous, and especially more united.

And a crucial part of making Europe more united is building European media, building our own cultural space.

And therefore, I'm very happy today to be joined not by one guest, but by three guests Angry Europeans who are hosting the Brave Old World podcast.

I think it's a great idea.

And obviously we are motivated by a lot of the same things.

Why did you choose the name the European Republic? What's in the understanding of a republic for you that provides the right aim for your project?

For me, what republic symbolizes is like this European achievement going back to like our first proper pan-European, somewhat pan-European democracy was the Roman Republic.

Having one joint public, so res publica, it's Latin for the public think.

For instance, our colonial system did not begin with the Spanish War.

The United States has had a colonial history and policy from the beginning of the Republic, but they have been hidden under the phraseology of interstate migration and territorial organization.

The American people have occupied a spacious wilderness.

Vast physiographic provinces, each with its own peculiarities, have lain across the path of this migration, and each has furnished a special environment for economic and social transformation.

At bottom, the problem is how to reconcile real greatness with bigness.

It is important that the Middle West should accomplish this.

The future of the Republic is with her.

Politically, she is dominant, as is illustrated by the fact that six out of seven of the presidents elected since 1860 have come from her borders.

Poland, under the sceptre of a still young and generous emperor, might become the herald of the liberties of the Slavonic nations, and while the turbulence imputed to her by history was awed by the huge force of Russia, she might enjoy her portion of freedom at least secure from the jealousies of stronger neighbours.

the Republic of Krakow might remain as a solemn pledge on the part of the petitioning powers that nothing more should be done to oppress Polish nationality, but that, on the contrary, a nucleus should be preserved where this feeling might expend itself, without offence, round the tombs of its ancient kings.

lombardy resuming the ghibelliner tradition might submit without dishonour to the austrian though no longer roman caesar and with an italian administration and the continued use of the code napoleon might not be unwilling to mingle her soldiers whose worth had been tried in the campaign of moscow with the imperial army, and to contribute liberally, out of her abundant national resources, to the necessities, in exchange for a share in the dignities and emoluments of the empire.

And Venice, of whose commonwealth our Harrington wrote, it is immortal in its nature, and to this day she stands with a thousand years of tranquillity on her back.

A less formal but still more earnest demonstration in favour of Polish nationality took place in 1848 on the 15th of May and the use that was made of that excitement by a few designing men in no way affects the sincerity of the movement.

having been accidentally a witness to the whole events of that day in the National Assembly, I can testify that the treason against the Majesty of the Nation, which followed the Polish petition, was as great a surprise to the motley multitude that filled the hall as to the members of the Assembly.

The destiny of the Republic of Krakow, though less tragic, has not been unlike that of the Kingdom of Poland.

The provocation to the breach of treaty engagements, however, was still less, and the infraction required the consent of the three protecting powers.

If you believe in God, you will die.

The Republic versus Salome Awiti Bafo.

Good.

Salome Awiti Bafo and Barbara Asantua-Kudia at Ghana Jollof, who is at large.

repentance and reformation and restoration, like what we saw with Augustine, right? So while his reform for fertility was unsuccessful, many of Augustine's other reforms were incredibly successful.

And he brought back the Roman, the virtue of the Roman Republic.

He was not able to restore the Roman Republic.

He was the beginning of the Principate.

It was Emperor's forever after him.

The sum of the forms of the Republic were maintained.

They still had election for consul and stuff, but the consuls didn't have power like they used to under the Republic.

So he didn't restore it back to its default, but he was able to restore the heart of the Roman people, which then breathed another 1,400 years of life into Rome, depending on how you measure,

That's right.

It is the most unlikely kind of figure for someone who is a passionate Republican radical nationalist.

And by this time, I mean, I think whilst the kind of sore feelings and the bitterness of that period...

in terms of the failure at Gallipoli, the inability of the British to protect the naval base at Singapore, the cable battles between Churchill and Curtin, the fact that Churchill had said Australian soldiers were a bad stock.

But let's first of all describe the grand ambition.

It boils down to three R's, I sometimes think.

Republicanism, this rejection of monarchy, reconciliation with indigenous Australians, and a reorientation of Australian foreign policy with Asia very much in the forefront, the Anglosphere not providing the internal compass which it had provided for so long.

You make the point that this was an integrated vision, that they were very much interconnected.