Prayer book

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In two weeks, Matthew Olver and Nathan Jennings join me to discuss their new book, Turning Points in Prayer Book History, and how tracing prayer book changes through the centuries, their contexts and decisions might actually provide guidance for current decisions about worship and common life.

Until then, I'm Amber Noel, your host, and it's been good to be with you.

Peace.

Everybody was charmed by this tall, redheaded Australian who knew everybody and everything about everybody.

Quite by chance, he met Douglas Jerrold, an editor at Eyre & Spottiswoode, the King's printers, a centuries-old firm who made a steady, if unexciting, income from printing the Bible and the Prayer Book.

It was in the summer of 1922, through his job at The Empire Review, that Bracken was introduced to J.L. Garvin, the 40-year-old distinguished editor of The Observer newspaper.

Garvin was a sensitive, romantic, immensely well-read personality who had an eye for young men of talent and promise.

But... [laughs]

So, but, but then, you know, it k- it brings to mind that now anymore, you know, we all have our scripture reading plans, and they're all pretty much the same, even in the Prayer Book.

You know, you've got a section from the Old Testament, a reading from the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Epistles.

It's a big chunk to read, and it seems to me that when, when you're talking about this spiritual discipline of, of divine reading, it's better to focus on a smaller section and to give your time and attention to, I think, of the Book of Psalms, where the, the Psalms speak of Christ, and so we're to look for Christ in the Psalms.

The fear of danger to Protestantism from the engagement of James with Spain, and from the engagements of Charles with France, had produced its effect upon the temper of the upper classes of the nation, which were mainly represented in the House of Commons.

Puritanism, in the sense of a rejection of the Prayer Book as a whole, or of a general disposition to change the existing ecclesiastical arrangements, had no existence except with a very small minority.

But there was a general disposition to lay stress upon the special Calvinistic doctrine on the subject of predestination, which most Englishmen of that generation had been brought up to believe, and to regard any deviation from it as a surrender to the papal church.

Every year the fear of papal aggression grew stronger.

Men who held opinions thus widely distasteful were, it seemed, to use the position which they owed to the favor of their sovereign in order to inculcate doctrines of arbitrary power in the state as well as to be set to govern the church and to treat with derision the belief of masses of earnest men.

Before the end of the year, Charles, with the assent of the bishops, promulgated a form of agreement which he undoubtedly intended to be conciliatory.

The king's declaration, which is to this day prefixed to the articles in the common prayer book, is the key to Charles' ecclesiastical policy.

It was his duty, he asserted, not to suffer unnecessary questions to be raised which might nourish faction both in the church and commonwealth.

And it, I, I saw it before we started.

Uh, Jackie, I think, I think definitely in the Book of Prayers you're not supposed to be killing other living beings.

It didn't say that.

We just read it.

The services were made simpler and more uniform by the publication of the Book of Common Prayer.

This, which is now known as the First Prayer Book of Edward VI, was compiled by Cranmer out of the old service books with a few changes.

It has since undergone a few alterations and received a few additions, especially in 1662, but Cranmer's Prayer Book is in the main the same as that which is used by the Church of England at the present day.

The fact that it is still looked upon with such affection and reverence after three centuries is the best proof that can be given of Cranmer's moderation and wisdom.

On every side there were signs of the fall of the old system.

This led to a great increase of reforming zeal, but also to greater lawlessness.

Many different opinions prevailed on many matters, and this was viewed with alarm, as the unity of the state was believed to depend on a unity of religious belief.

Hence the prayer book was again revised, and its use made compulsory by an act of parliament, which rendered it penal to be present at any religious service different from that therein prescribed.

The fear of danger to Protestantism from the engagement of James with Spain, and from the engagements of Charles with France, had produced its effect upon the temper of the upper classes of the nation, which were mainly represented in the House of Commons.

Puritanism, in the sense of a rejection of the Prayer Book as a whole, or of a general disposition to change the existing ecclesiastical arrangements, had no existence except with a very small minority.

But there was a general disposition to lay stress upon the special Calvinistic doctrine on the subject of predestination, which most Englishmen of that generation had been brought up to believe, and to regard any deviation from it as a surrender to the papal church.

Every year the fear of papal aggression grew stronger.

Men who held opinions thus widely distasteful were, it seemed, to use the position which they owed to the favor of their sovereign in order to inculcate doctrines of arbitrary power in the state as well as to be set to govern the Church and to treat with derision the belief of masses of earnest men.

Before the end of the year, Charles, with the assent of the bishops, promulgated a form of agreement which he undoubtedly intended to be conciliatory.

The King's declaration, which is to this day prefixed to the articles in the Common Prayer Book, is the key to Charles' ecclesiastical policy.

It was his duty, he asserted, not to suffer unnecessary questions to be raised which might nourish faction both in the Church and Commonwealth.