Podemos

Meanwhile, you've got this... group of this sort of the the old traditional professional middle class has collapsed and that's often being felt so generationally in that you've got a big group of very educated younger people um particularly those under 40s you know like geriatric millennials and then now gen z who who are have also got blocked downward social mobility but unlike the old petty bourgeoisie, this lot are breaking to the left.

They're breaking to the left, you know, and they've become the sort of foot soldiers of Corbynism, you know, across Europe, like Podemos, Syriza, Die Linke, you know, Mamdani, you know, the Greens.

And I think, you know, the Keir Starmer's of this world never really understood this group.

They just think people are just radical for the sake of it or as a performance.

Spain's snap election exposes divisions over left-wing alliances.

Spain's Podemos Party has announced an electoral agreement with Catalonia's Republican left ahead of the snap general election on the twenty-ninth of November.

Podemos will support the Catalan party's candidacies, while prominent politicians Irene Montero and Gabriel Rufián will campaign together.

The arrangement complicates negotiations to unite other parties to the left of Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez's Socialists.

With Spain's electoral system distributing parliamentary seats through provincial constituencies, competing alliance strategies can influence representation.

Con lo cual, ahora ir haciendo memoria, porque lo vamos a unir con lo que estamos viviendo ahora.

Cuando fue el nacimiento de Podemos y el nacimiento de la extrema derecha también de Vox y de-- bueno, no, realmente no, nació Podemos primero del 15-M, pero fue una forma de canalizar las protestas de la gente en un partido político y ganar votos.

[se ríe] ¿Quiere eso decir que Podemos no trajo cosas buenas? Trajo cosas buenas, pero trajo cosas malísimas también.

Porque no van a poder cambiar gran cosa si juegas al juego de la política, porque eso lleva ya institucionalizado mucho tiempo.

No vas a venir tú a, je, je, de guapo a cambiarlo todo.

Y Por supuesto.

Mira, por decir una cosa así que tenía buena Podemos, que se financiaban con dinero de la gente y luego te lo devolvían.

Yo mismo quise cotejar si te lo devolvían y un día puse cincuenta euros.

There was a momentum, but that also died somehow off.

I mean, uh, we had, we had in Italy, the Five Star Movement came on the back of that, and we also had Podemos in Spain.

These movements came and, and went.

Uh, they, they couldn't Probably find the organizational form or they couldn't find the cohesion that they needed, uh, in order to be successful.

With the left party, that's not the case, except maybe in Berlin also, but it's generally not the case.

So the, the issue is unresolved and, um, and I, you know, I-- we, we, we started the discussion on Spain, and this is really about Spain.

Spain also had a strong left party, the, the Podemos.

They are now significantly weaker because Sanchez achieved this rare feat of sidelining the main left party.

So in twenty seventeen, Mélenchon's party, LFI, sent a speaker to the National Convention of the Democratic Socialists of America in Chicago.

It shared the stage with Podemos, which is a far-left populist party in Spain that helped put Pedro Sanchez in power, you know, the guy responsible for what's going on in Ceuta.

And another group called Momentum, which is the activist group behind socialist leader Jeremy Corbyn in Britain.

In April of twenty twenty-five, Mélenchon made his first visit to the United States in his lifetime, and he headlined an event organized by the New York City DSA.