John Randolph of Roanoke

Once started Jefferson would talk on and on in a loose and rambling fashion with a great deal of exaggeration and with many vagaries, yet always scattering much information on a great variety of topics.

Here we may leave him for the moment in the exhilarating hours following his inauguration, discoursing with Pinckney, Gallatin, Madison, Burr, Randolph, Giles, Macon, and many another good Republican, and evolving the policies of his administration.

End of chapter one.

Chapter two of Jefferson and his colleagues by Alan Johnson.

He would suggest, he would advise, he would cautiously express an opinion, but he would never dictate.

Yet few presidents have exercised a stronger directive influence upon Congress than Thomas Jefferson during the greater part of his administration.

So long as he was en rapport with Nathaniel Macon, Speaker of the House, and with John Randolph, Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, he could direct the policies of his party as effectively as the most autocratic dictator.

When he had made up his mind that Justice Samuel Chase of the Supreme Court should be impeached, he simply penned a note to Joseph Nicholson, who was then managing the impeachment of Judge Pickering, raising the question whether Chase's attack on the principles of the Constitution should go unpunished.

the old Republicans.

This is John Taylor, John Randolph.

They looked at the Constitution for what it was, a very strict check on the center if it was enforced.

Now, they lost some of these arguments, not because I think they lost the intellectual side, but because they weren't in power.

The World's Famous Orations, Volume 8, edited by William Jennings Bryan and Francis Whiting Halsey.

John Randolph, On Offensive War with England.

Born in 1773, died in 1833.

Member of Congress in 1799 to 1813.

Peter preached to the Jews, repent and turn again that your sins may be blotted out.

In Acts chapter 3 and verse 19, and John wrote in 1 John 1 and verse 9, if we can confess our sins, then our sins will be forgiven.

And then the third category is that unpardonable sin or the unforgivable sin that Jesus mentioned in Matthew chapter 12 and verse 32.

And the Bible also tells us against whom or against what we may sin.

Well, I don't know if she was insulted about that or by that or not, but she could have been.

This might be construed as a reason for insult, but we are more often insulted whenever we feel that our character has been attacked or that our motives have been impugned.

John Randolph of Roanoke and Henry Clay were deadly rivals.

And upon one occasion, the two politicians found themselves meeting each other on a narrow footpath, so narrow they could not pass by each other.

They weren't going to accept any of that.

This is, you know, John Randolph.

This is King Numbers.

It's all we're getting.

And it would be even after the revolution was over.

I mean, the terror is just a different type of monarchy.

It's King Numbers, as John Randolph called it.

Historian Bill Edmonds writes that the Federalist resistance was based on the theory of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen, and in particular the right of resistance to oppression proclaimed by Article II.

THE NEGRO SALE why stands she near the auction-stand that girl so young and fair what brings her to this dismal place why stands she weeping there with the growing population of slaves in the southern states of america there is a fearful increase of half-whites most of whose fathers are slave-owners and their mothers slaves society does not frown upon the man who sits with his mulatto child upon his knee whilst its mother stands a slave behind his chair The late Henry Clay, some years since, predicted that the abolition of Negro slavery would be brought about by the amalgamation of the races.

John Randolph, a distinguished slaveholder of Virginia and a prominent statesman, said in a speech in the legislature of his native state that the blood of the first American statesman coursed through the veins of the slave of the South.

in all the cities and towns of the slave states the real negro or clear black does not amount to more than one in every four of the slave population this fact is of itself the best evidence of the degraded and immoral condition of the relation of master and slave in the united states of america in all the slave states the law says slaves shall be deemed sold held taken reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal in the hands of their owners and possessors and their executors administrators and assigns to all intents constructions and purposes whatsoever a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs the master may sell him dispose of his person his industry and his labor he can do nothing possess nothing nor acquire anything but what must belong to his master the slave is entirely subject to the will of his master who may correct and chastise him though not with unusual rigor or so as to maim and mutilate him or expose him to the danger of loss of life or to cause his death The slave, to remain a slave, must be sensible that there is no appeal from his master.

Where the slave is placed by law entirely under the control of the man who claims him, body and soul, as property, what else could be expected than the most depraved social condition? The marriage relation, the oldest and most sacred institution given to man by his creator, is unknown and unrecognized in the slave laws of the United States.

Yet few presidents have exercised a stronger directive influence upon Congress than Thomas Jefferson during the greater part of his administration.

So long as he was en rapport with Nathaniel Macon, Speaker of the House, and with John Randolph, Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, he could direct the policies of his party as effectively as the most autocratic dictator.

When he had made up his mind that Justice Samuel Chase of the Supreme Court should be impeached, he simply penned a note to Joseph Nicholson, who was then managing the impeachment of Judge Pickering, raising the question whether Chase's attack on the principles of the Constitution should go unpunished.

I ask these questions for your consideration, said the president deferentially.

The fact that France had in 1763 actually dismembered her colonial empire and that Louisiana, as ceded to Spain, extended only to the Iberville, was given no weight in Livingston's deductions.

Having the will to believe Jefferson and Madison became converts to Livingston's faith, Madison wrote at once that in view of these developments, no proposal to exchange Louisiana for the Floridas should be entertained.

The president declared himself satisfied that our right to the Perdido is substantial and can be opposed by a quibble on form only, and John Randolph, duly coached by the administration, flatly declared in the House of Representatives that we have not only obtained the command of the mouth of the Mississippi but of the Mobile with its widely extended branches, and there is not now a single stream of note rising within the United States and falling into the Gulf of Mexico, which is not entirely our own, the Apalachicola excepted.

From this moment to the end of his administration, the acquisition of West Florida became a sort of obsession with Jefferson.

Once started Jefferson would talk on and on in a loose and rambling fashion with a great deal of exaggeration and with many vagaries, yet always scattering much information on a great variety of topics.

Here we may leave him for the moment in the exhilarating hours following his inauguration, discoursing with Pinckney, Gallatin, Madison Burr, Randolph, Giles, Macon, and many another good Republican, and evolving the policies of his administration.

End of chapter one.

Chapter two of Jefferson and His Colleagues by Allen Johnson.

He would suggest, he would advise, he would cautiously express an opinion, but he would never dictate.

Yet few presidents have exercised a stronger directive influence upon Congress than Thomas Jefferson during the greater part of his administration.

So long as he was en rapport with Nathaniel Macon, Speaker of the House, and with John Randolph, Chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, he could direct the policies of his party as effectively as the most autocratic dictator.

When he had made up his mind that Justice Samuel Chase of the Supreme Court should be impeached, he simply penned a note to Joseph Nicholson, who was then managing the impeachment of Judge Pickering, raising the question whether Chase's attack on the principles of the Constitution should go unpunished.