John N. Mitchell

The next day, the chief of staff, Bob Haldeman, says on tape that the study has shown the country, quote, you can't trust the government, you can't believe what they say, and you can't rely on their judgment.

Monday evening, a telegram from Attorney General John Mitchell reaches the Times asking it to stop.

Salzberger is asleep at the Savoy Hotel in London.

His editors wake him at two in the morning and put him on a speakerphone.

Graham calls Bradley from her house on Wednesday morning and says, let's go, let's publish.

The first post story runs Thursday, July 1st, quoting both Bagdikian's box and the senator's transcript.

Attorney General John Mitchell sends her a letter asking the paper to stop and turn over its copy.

Bradley tells the Justice Department by phone that it will not.

Blanche's political campaigning breaks an ethical norm going back to Watergate.

The Attorney General's campaign politicking for Republicans adds to the degradation of post-Watergate values at the Justice Department.

By Charlie Savage.

Attorney General Todd Blanch has repeatedly participated in campaign events and spoken in partisan terms about the coming midterm elections since his confirmation last month, despite criticism that he violated a longstanding Justice Department principle of steering clear of electoral politics.

This week, he waded into those waters twice.

Since August, Mr. Blanch has come under fire for making campaign-tinged public appearances and comments.

Still, Mr. Blanch is dismantling another post-Watergate principle, that Justice Department leaders stay away from partisan politicking.

Joseph Terrell, the Justice Department's senior ethics official until the Trump administration dismissed him in July 2025, earlier this week criticized Mr. Blanch's participation in the Republican convention.

Governors and mayors were powerless and appealed for aid.

The mine owners rejected the demands of the men and refused to permit the arbitration of the points in dispute, although John Mitchell, the leader of the miners, repeatedly urged it.

After observing closely the course affairs, President Roosevelt made up his mind that the situation was intolerable.

He arranged to have the Federal troops, if necessary, take possession of the mines and operate them until the strike could be settled.

We had them by virtue of a crime being committed.

Betty would later learn that earlier that day, the Attorney General of the United States, John Mitchell, had repeatedly phoned the Post demanding that they not publish her story.

It was the first time that the publisher had been asked by the administration to suppress a story.

They didn't want the public to know.

The attorney general claimed that the documents could damage national security.

That sounded plausible.

Except Betty and her editors, unlike the attorney general, had actually read the documents.

Did they threaten to embarrass the government? Absolutely.

Then Pete, you'll answer the same for that, for that celebrity.

Dead or alive, Addie, John Mitchell, former US attorney general.

Dead.

Pete?

But there was a scandal with an insurance owner and a bank owner in Houston named Frank Sharp.

And Nixon Attorney General John Mitchell created a Sharpstown scandal.

It covered some of the people in office, but not me or not anybody else at the statewide level.

But we had 66 members of the House of Representatives got beat.