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Irish republicanism

Irish republicanism

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Search complete. 196 mentions across 56 episodes found for "Irish republicanism".

Sep 11, 2026

Carl ChinnHOST
1:28
This was the jail, Kilmainham jail, that was made famous by the fact that members of the...
Carl ChinnHOST
1:34
Republican movements who rose up in 1916 for a free Ireland were jailed there and some of them were shot there.
Paul SmithGUEST
1:41
Yeah, executed there at Kilmainham Jail.
Paul SmithGUEST
1:43
So that's, I mean, that's a very big piece of history in Ireland and obviously in Dublin and huge tourist attraction as well.
Bernard PonsonbyHOST
7:24
But you're right to, I think, pose the question, what does it tell us about is Burnham across this or not? I mean, he should have known that there is a constitutional mechanism in Northern Ireland, which incidentally is incredibly opaque.
Bernard PonsonbyHOST
7:39
and was always going to be, because when you were trying to get unionists and nationalists, loyalists and Republicans to sign up to the Good Friday Agreement, you had to make it sufficiently opaque that different traditions could say it means this.
Bernard PonsonbyHOST
7:54
So there is a specific issue of the triggering of a border poll, which is effectively down at the end of the day to the Secretary of State, for the specific circumstances of the constitutional status of Northern Ireland.
Bernard PonsonbyHOST
8:08
The process within Scotland is the process that we had the last time around in 2014.
Liam KneafseyGUEST
34:33
There are a variety of different interpretations and dimensions to this.
Liam KneafseyGUEST
34:37
I think we observe today people who identify as Republican are expressing and identifying with Republican ideals or Republican cultural values who would not in doing so position themselves as accepting the historical lineage of physical force Republicanism necessarily.
Liam KneafseyGUEST
34:57
Similarly, people may be asked, do they support a united Ireland as a simplification of a Republican attitude? But we better characterize that as support for Irish unity, because that may correspond to, it may overlap with these other dimensions of Republicanism, but it isn't the same thing, right? It is only one dimension of that.
Liam KneafseyGUEST
35:14
And people who would not identify as Republicans can be strong supporters of Irish unity, particularly in the long term.
Liam KneafseyGUEST
35:20
That is probably how I best express it.
Cormac MooreHOST
34:53
probably should have stopped it.
Tim McGarryHOST
34:57
And again, you know, some people are propaganda coup for Republicans, you know, that attorneys are not only being arrested, they're without charge and held without charge and tortured.
Cormac MooreHOST
35:09
But we spoke with us a few weeks ago that Brian Faulkner the man who actually introduced he was because Stormont was still on the go in 71 so he was the Prime Minister brought it in and he suggested in 76 to reintroduce internment and Gerry Fitt the leader of the SDLP said that just will be like the IRA are on the way now you know they're losing popularity that would be an absolute propaganda win for they would love that it did we saw like the effects of internment did the numbers in the IRA swelled afterwards so yeah it was a disastrous policy not just from the mistreatment of people and the way it was done as well it was very cruel and very sporadic and you know I think it was only a few years afterwards that they actually had better intel you know had good intel to go on whether people could be involved in
Tim McGarryHOST
36:06
this.
Tim McGarryHOST
38:05
Yeah.
Cormac MooreHOST
38:06
I think the whole Eastern Bloc, you know.
Tim McGarryHOST
38:08
But again, you know, this has many allegations by not just Republicans that, you know, when soldiers or whoever are asked to give evidence in front of courts that they are not necessarily completely open and honest at all times, even when giving evidence.
Tim McGarryHOST
38:24
Yes, we have
EoláinHOST
7:21
The executions of 1916 had transformed public opinion.
EoláinHOST
7:26
The threat of conscription loomed, and the Republican movement was rebuilding.
EoláinHOST
7:31
Sinn Féin was growing.
EoláinHOST
7:33
Prisoners were returning home to crowds and political support.
EoláinHOST
7:52
The next battle would be fought at the ballot box.
EoláinHOST
7:56
Because by 1918, the struggle was moving onto very different ground.
EoláinHOST
8:01
The general election of 1918 changed the landscape of Ireland completely, and Sinn Féin emerged after sweeping the boards as a separatist Republican Party.
EoláinHOST
8:14
And instead of taking their seats at Westminster as the Irish Parliamentary Party had done previously, they seized the opportunity.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:01
Yeah, like he, he, he wasn't a very experienced journalist when he- Magill was established in 1977.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:07
So he had a range of contacts north of the border and in the, the loyalist and the Republican movement.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:13
Um, and he had written extensively about the troubles when he was in Belfast.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:18
So he was able to bring that into Magill, and it was one of the things that set the magazine apart in its, uh, early years and into the 1980s, its coverage of, of, uh, the North, but in particularly the, the coverage of the Republican movement, the IRA and Sinn Féin, Provisional IRA and Provisional Sinn Féin.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:33
Um, remember the Section 31 broadcasting ban was in place.
Sean MoncrieffHOST
6:36
Yeah.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:36
So, you know, people like Gerry Adams, uh, and Martin McGuinness couldn't be interviewed and couldn't be broadcast on air.
Kevin RafterGUEST
6:43
And the national newspapers were loath to engage usually in terms of what was going on in the politics of the Republican movement.
Gareth RussellHOST
2:05
We kick off with our first story at Belfast in the dawn of the 19th century, when I'm joined by Jake Douglas as the Marquess of Londonderry, Cilom Carragher as Lord Byron and Percy Shelley, Danny Cunningham as Dr Bankhead and Paul Storrs as a coroner.
Gareth RussellHOST
2:19
Under King George III, Belfast in the north of Ireland had been a city known for its radical politics, one of the most prominently anti-slavery cities in the British Empire, a birthplace for many forms of Irish republicanism, and a place that held street parties to celebrate the fall of the Bastille in 1789.
Gareth RussellHOST
2:37
But by the time George IV became king in 1820, that had changed, and Belfast, still with its predominantly Protestant population, had evolved rapidly from radicalism to conservatism.
Gareth RussellHOST
2:51
The town of Belfast in 1800 had a predominantly Presbyterian population, many of whom had been active only two years earlier in the famous 1798 rebellion, the first rebellion that aimed to overthrow the monarchy in Ireland, establish an independent Irish Republic and end the legal discriminations then in place against Irish Presbyterians and Catholics.

12 MINS LATER

Gareth RussellHOST
15:07
It was early in his political career and Castlereagh had been sent to the coast of north-western Ireland to help with the government's attempts to uncover a conspiracy in the region.
Gareth RussellHOST
15:19
He believed, correctly as it turned out, that the emerging Irish Republican movement, who would later lead the 98 Rebellion, were secretly liaising with the new government of revolutionary France.
Gareth RussellHOST
15:32
Castlereagh would later refer to this as the conspiracy, and his belief in the links between Irish Republicanism and the French Revolution goes a very long way in explaining the ferocity of his hatred towards the rebels of 1798.
Gareth RussellHOST
15:49
One night in Ballyshannon, Castle Ray woke up from a deep sleep to be confronted by what he believed was a warning spirit, an innocent spectral child who transformed in front of his horrified eyes into a blood-soaked screaming victim with lines of woe, despair and blood over its face.
David ClarkeHOST
43:59
It's always good to challenge these notions, you know.
David ClarkeHOST
44:04
So wouldn't it be much better thing for, I don't know, whoever... you know, that well of support that might exist for continuing Republican violence, to challenge the notions there, one of the efficacy of it, you're not going to get anywhere.
David ClarkeHOST
44:18
But also, you know, even those, you know, the way we allow the other side to be demonised.
David ClarkeHOST
44:24
Now, Sinn Féin, and here, obviously, I don't want to associate Sinn Féin at all with the continuing Republican violence side, but I've been very good to talk about demonising people's views.
David ClarkeHOST
44:37
I mean, the most demonised views I heard once was, again, about 30 years ago, in a session about, it was about the peace process at the time.
David ClarkeHOST
44:48
And someone was speaking and quoted a senior member of the Ulster Unionist Party.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
4:23
and then was very much involved in the language movement.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
4:27
Fitzgerald's mother was Mabel McConnell, who was the daughter of a Unionist Presbyterian in Belfast, and so seemed unlikely to be a strong Republican, but she was also politicised by that kind of nationalist movement.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
4:42
The Hawheys were also involved in the national struggle in that time, the revolutionary period, but to a kind of a lesser extent that Charlie Hawhey's parents were in the IRA in County Derry, in East County Derry, and his mother was in Cumann na mBan.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
5:05
But they didn't kind of reach the heights within that movement, but even though they were both active within it.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
8:56
And so Hohe spent summers in Svatran, in Derry, and was obviously going to be aware of, I mean, you couldn't not be aware of the fact that it was a different country in a different jurisdiction.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
9:09
His uncle was meant to be...
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
9:12
Quite politicised, his uncle was a Republican who had been interned during the war in Northern Ireland.
Eoin O'MalleyGUEST
9:19
And then Fitzgerald's family background, there was a story he told where he made some sort of anti-Protestant remark as a young child.
Toby HarndenGUEST
10:46
And so in this area... you had about six or eight families stretching back generations, all intermarried, who from a sort of farming background, but also a lot of sort of vehicles and machinery as well, And they ran the IRA, extremely tight-knit brothers, wives from a different family.
Toby HarndenGUEST
11:13
And I could go back to the 1920s and see that their fathers and grandfathers and sometimes mothers and grandmothers as well had been involved in the Republican struggle.
Toby HarndenGUEST
11:26
And so for the British...
Toby HarndenGUEST
11:28
It was very unforgiving territory, and that's why you had these watchtowers, the Romeo and Golf watchtowers, which were manned but were festooned with cameras and listening devices.
Toby HarndenGUEST
13:34
So was Bishop's Gate.
Toby HarndenGUEST
13:36
So all that was being run from South Armagh.
Toby HarndenGUEST
13:38
Directed by the IRA leadership and the Sinn Féin leadership as well, the broader Republican movement.
Toby HarndenGUEST
13:44
It's really one organisation, Sinn Féin and the IRA as part of the Republican movement.

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