Hashemites

would imply, right? So these are kind of very niche conflicts, right? But a niche conflict that involves the Hoi Tat, well, that's actually a significant kind of danger to the regime, right? And they kind of have to take that seriously.

If the Hoi Tat were to turn on the Hashemites and their alliance with the US and the British and whoever else, that would represent a significantly more serious problem than if an equal number of deracinated people and Amman started getting ideas.

So yeah, I would say this is not a book about Jordan qua Jordan.

If you want to read a book about Jordan qua Jordan, I'll make a shameless plug here for my first book on marriage.

these offers, the Syrian elite, even though, and the Syrian populations, and when I say Syrian, I mean greater Syria, the whole Levant, although they had a lot of problems with the Ottoman rule, starvation campaigns and a forceful conscription in the military and all of that, they still were refusing to collaborate with a foreign party to revolt against the Ottoman rule.

So that's why the British went to Arabian Peninsula and worked with the Saud family and the Hashemite families, the only groups within all of the Arabic clans that agreed to collaborate with this foreign enemy to supposedly reach some independence from Ottoman rule.

And to show you how patriotic and advanced in their political calculations the elites in Syria were, when the Hashemite army led by Lawrence of Arabia, as he's referred to sometimes in the West, reached Damascus, the elite in Syria refused to acknowledge, number one, the Hashemite king as the king of the Arabs, that's what the British announced him to be, and immediately began their revolt against his presence, the presence of the Hashemites in Syria and the French and the British within days of that.

And this accumulated in the Maisaloun battle in 1922, I believe, when the Hashemite king, after the people of Syria called for their independence of French and British rule, king of the Hashemites disbanded the Arab army that was mainly Syrian and allowed the French basically to invade from Lebanon to try to capture Damascus.

So he left the vacuum in front of the French.

And even in this dire situation, The political elite and the thinkers and so on of Damascus got on their horses with their pre-World War I rifles and rode to the outskirts of Damascus on the border of what is to become Lebanon, an area called Maysaloun.

And therefore, this kind of vacuum that was developing opened the door for new branding that needed to come in.

And that's where the Bath Party's beginnings came in, this emptiness of horizon of liberation that people were requesting.

would imply, right? So these are kind of very niche conflicts, right? But a niche conflict that involves the Hoi Tat, well, that's actually a significant kind of danger to the regime, right? And they kind of have to take that seriously.

If the Hoi Tat were to turn on the Hashemites and their sort of alliance with the US and the British and whoever else, that would represent a significantly more serious problem than if an equal number of, you know, sort of deracinated people and Amman, you know, sort of getting ideas, right? So, yeah, I mean, I would say this is not a book about Jordan qua Jordan, right? If you want to read a book about Jordan qua Jordan, I'll make a shameless plug here for my first book on marriage.

I think my marriage book is Still, it's more rural than urban, right? And still, it's going to give you more of a sense of rural Jordan than urban Jordan.

But marriage is something that every Jordanian struggles with, right? And you can find it if you get in a taxi cab or, you know, even a whatever sort of, you know, kind of, you know, superficial conversations you're going to have with someone in urban Jordan, they're going to probably start complaining about, um, their, uh, you know, issues getting married, though, I guess even that's declining a little bit.

would imply, right? So these are kind of very niche conflicts, right? But a niche conflict that involves the Hoi Tat, well, that's actually a significant kind of danger to the regime, right? And they kind of have to take that seriously.

If the Hoi Tat were to turn on the Hashemites and their sort of alliance with the US and the British and whoever else, that would represent a significantly more serious problem than if an equal number of, you know, sort of deracinated people and Amman, you know, sort of getting ideas, right? So, yeah, I mean, I would say this is not a book about Jordan qua Jordan, right? If you want to read a book about Jordan qua Jordan, I'll make a shameless plug here for my first book on marriage.

I think my marriage book is still it's more rural than urban, right? And still it's going to give you more of a sense of rural Jordan than urban Jordan.

But marriage is something that every Jordanian struggles with, right? And you can find it if you get in a taxi cab or, you know, even a, whatever sort of, you know, kind of, you know, superficial conversations you're going to have with someone in urban Jordan, they're going to probably start complaining about, um, their, uh, you know, issues getting married though.

would imply, right? So these are kind of very niche conflicts, right? But a niche conflict that involves the Hoi Tat, well, that's actually a significant kind of danger to the regime, right? And they kind of have to take that seriously.

If the Hoi Tat were to turn on the Hashemites and their alliance with the US and the British and whoever else, that would represent a significantly more serious problem than if an equal number of deracinated people and Amman started getting ideas.

I would say this is not a book about Jordan qua Jordan.

If you want to read a book about Jordan qua Jordan, I'll make a shameless plug here for my first book on marriage.

In Syria, the ISIS.

In Jordan, they don't have the same freedom like the Hashemites.

In Egypt, they suffered.

Everywhere they suffered.