So, uh-

Well, you know, I mean, um, of course, uh, Fra- Franklin Delano Roosevelt, peace be upon him, uh, once said that America's frontier is on the Rhine.

Uh, you know, that was, uh, that was denied, uh, at the time, but it was something that he did in fact, uh, say somewhat, somewhat imprudently and then, then he acted it out, you know? And so when I look at what's going on in, uh, you know, Eastern Europe, I can't help but feel that, uh, someone has decided that America's frontier is on the Dnieper or the, uh, Dnipro as I believe, uh, we call it these days.

Um, you know, uh, I don't...

That doesn't sound quite geographically right to me, and I would like to propose a different boundary, a red line in the sand, if you will, beyond which, uh, you know, I think we should become very concerned if Putin goes.

And for me, that's the English Channel.

And I think that, um, any attempt to...

... which is, which is the great destroyer of individuals and wealth.

[chuckles]

You know, something like that, you know.

And then, you know, basically kind of, you know, intuitively he had these ideas, but actually he had basically no clue what to do with them, and so he sort of handed it over to, like, the default Republican administration who tried to run kind of the Bush administration for him, and that was, that was kind of a shit show.

And, you know, what's truly remarkable about, you know, Donald Trump, who's an amazing intuitive thinker, is somehow in his late 70s, he learned, he changed, he grew, and he came back with this sort of real intent to do significant things in Washington.

He was just not really, you know, um, he, he was just not really content to, uh, be, be a symbolic president.

Um, I'm practicing my Nick Fuentes, you know, hand, uh, whatever, uh, at the risk of setting off a gaydar alarm.

Um, but, uh, the, the, um, he, he, he, he was not content to have this like...

Mm-hmm.

Has your view of Bitcoin changed since then at all?

Fascinating question.

Uh, it's changed in some ways, but the fundamentals hasn't really changed.

It's like what makes Bitcoin not a tulip is that it has a path to an exit, which is a positive sum exit.

Um, if it's just a tulip like an average shitcoin, basically it's like, or like a meme coin.

Like a meme coin, you know, everybody knows that it's a zero-sum game.

You get in early, you make money, you get in late, you get taken, right? And that's a kind of, you know, sort of gambling game that people play with each other.

And I think that one of the things that you sort of, when you look at-

[chuckles]

And, and that's what you're doing by measuring, by mixing these numbers together.

You're basically saying, "Well, you know, we expanded, we diluted the financial system by, like, 10% a year." So we basically...

It's like if you expanded the equity of a company, right, and you took 10% off.

Well, you have the same number of shares.

They didn't take any shares from you.

Yeah, there's 1.1 million now rather than 1 million shares, but we didn't take anything from you, right? You know, and it's like, furthermore, the stock price went up, so you actually made money.

He, he gets the credit.

No.

So Stanley Levison was, until 1956, I think he was not, it was not an official title, but he was basically the CFO of the Communist Party USA.

He was the, kind of ran its financial operations.

And in 56, or 55 really, he realizes that the writing is on the wall for being a minion of Stalin.

It's like McCarthyism has happened.

It's like, you know, it's just Hungary has happened.

Like, it's just not it's it's not it's not the vibe.

MLK's communist ties to Levinson.

So MLK's communist ties to Levison.

Yeah, uh, but i- it was...

You know, the thing is, if you pull back to the bigger picture, basically, even the term civil rights-- So basically, what you had was in the '30s, with cases like, for example, the Scottsboro Boys, which were, was George Floyd in the 1930s.

You know, you had this, um, [tsking] basically Black nationalism and Black liberation, huge, huge cause of the, um, Communist Party in the '20s and '30s.

If you look up the phrase, uh, "self-determination in the Black Belt," for example, that's a 1920s-era communist slogan, and they actually imagined having Black SSRs in, like, Alabama, like Soviet, so actually parts of the Soviet Union.

Um, [chuckles] and, and, and, like, you know, because the Soviet Union was intended to be a world government, of course, right? You know, [chuckles] and it wasn't Russian.

It was started in Russia.

Mm-hmm

But, but sort of putting that aside, what is your opinion of Trump generally?

I think that Trump, you know, the funny thing is I talked about FDR earlier in the, uh, i- earlier in our conversation, and I think actually, you know, a lot of people might, in, in different directions, might not appreciate this comparison.

But I think that in a lot of ways, Trump is very reminiscent of FDR because what FDR had was this tremendous charisma and self-confidence combined with a tremendous sort of ability, uh, to, like, be the center of the room, be the leader, cut through the BS, and make things happen.

I think one of the main differences between Trump and FDR that has really held Trump back is, of course, that FDR is from one of America's First Families.

He's a, he's a hereditary aristocrat, and, you know, Trump is not really from America's social upper class.

And I think the fact that Trump is not really from America's social upper class has hurt him a lot in terms of his confidence.

I think it's hurt him in his ability to delegate to and trust people who are not part of his family.

But the, the thing that I still find myself deeply unconvinced about is why blowing up democracy rather than trying to make it better would somehow lead to better lives for, for the people who are struggling the most.