Buckley v. Valeo
Court caseWikipedia
18
MENTIONS
8
EPISODES
7
PODCASTS
Search complete. 18 mentions across 8 episodes found for "Buckley v. Valeo".
Sep 17, 2026
Constitutional Structure: Presidential Power — Youngstown, Executive Orders, the Take Care Clause, Commander in Chief, Foreign Affairs, Treaties, Executive Privilege, Pardons, and Presidential Immunit
S
64:58speaker_3HOST
You have to distinguish between an officer of the United States and a mere employee.
S
65:01speaker_2HOST
An officer, as defined in Buckley v. Valeo, is someone who exercises significant governmental authority pursuant to federal law and holds a continuing position.
S
65:11speaker_2HOST
A federal judge, an agency head, or a US attorney is an officer.
S
65:16speaker_3HOST
An employee, on the other hand, simply performs subordinate ministerial duties, like a mail carrier or a clerk.
Constitutional Structure: Congressional Power Part Two — Taxing, Spending, Section Five, Legislative Process, Delegation, and the Major Questions Doctrine
S
46:53speaker_3HOST
First, we have to use the Appointments Clause to distinguish an officer of the United States from a mere employee.
S
47:00speaker_3HOST
According to Buckley v. Valeo, an officer is someone who exercises significant authority pursuant to the laws of the United States.
S
47:08speaker_2HOST
An employee is just a subordinate performing ministerial duties.
S
47:12speaker_3HOST
Among officers, the Constitution creates two categories-
Federalist Radio Hour: ‘Overruled,’ Ep. 1: Where Lawfare Came From And How It Rules The World
R
79:08Ronald PestrittoGUEST
I mean, absolutely nothing.
R
79:10Ronald PestrittoGUEST
There's not a, I think it's fair to say not a single originalist decision came out of the Supreme Court between 1935 and 1976 when you had the Buckley v. Valeo decision.
R
79:20Ronald PestrittoGUEST
Um, I mean, zero in 40 years.
R
79:24Ronald PestrittoGUEST
So, you know, it really, um, times are bad.
'Overruled,' Ep. 1: Where Lawfare Came From And How It Rules The World
R
79:08Ronald PestrittoSOUNDBITE_SPEAKER
I mean, absolutely nothing.
R
79:10Ronald PestrittoSOUNDBITE_SPEAKER
There's not a, I think it's fair to say not a single originalist decision came out of the Supreme Court between 1935 and 1976 when you had the Buckley v. Valeo decision.
R
79:20Ronald PestrittoSOUNDBITE_SPEAKER
Um, I mean, zero in 40 years.
R
79:24Ronald PestrittoSOUNDBITE_SPEAKER
So, you know, it really, um, times are bad.
'If You Can Keep It': The Deal With Dark Money
D
35:22Daniel WeinerGUEST
Corporations have the right to spend from their general treasury funds on elections.
D
35:27Daniel WeinerGUEST
What it actually did though is more complicated because it took an older line of decisions from a, from a case that's called Buckley v. Valeo, which was the original sort of ur-decision that established that the only justification for sh- limiting money in elections is to prevent so-called quid pro quo corruption.
D
35:45Daniel WeinerGUEST
So bribery.
D
35:47Daniel WeinerGUEST
That decision had kind of been unevenly applied over decades.
95. The Legal Glitch That Engineered Our Political Rage – Larry Lessig
L
24:00Larry LessigGUEST
Now, I don't like the idea of overturning New York Times versus Sullivan because as a political matter, I like New York Times versus Sullivan.
L
24:08Larry LessigGUEST
But the point is, if you are going to be an originalist, and apply your theory consistently, how does that same theory apply in the context of campaign finance jurisprudence? So when I read Justice Thomas talking about New York Times versus Sullivan saying that it was policymaking dressed up as constitutional law, my first reaction, I think I literally screamed this or yelled this as I was reading the opinion, I was like, have you read Buckley versus Valeo, which is this 144 page opinion not signed by any justice.
L
24:43Larry LessigGUEST
It's called a per curiam, which sets out this whole regime for how the First Amendment regulates regulation of campaign integrity.
L
24:53Larry LessigGUEST
never once explaining how its regime derives from the original meaning of the First Amendment.
In Conversation with Heather Cox Richardson
R
10:40Robert ReichHOST
...
R
10:40Robert ReichHOST
Buckley versus Valeo, which was the first case before the Supreme Court that opened the, uh, bag of worms.
R
10:50Robert ReichHOST
I mean, where, where I'm [laughs] opened, opened the can of worms, uh, in terms of money and politics.
R
10:57Robert ReichHOST
Buckley versus Valeo was sponsored in large effect by big corporations, uh, as was every subsequent Supreme Court case dealing with money and politics.
R
11:08Robert ReichHOST
Uh, and Buckley versus Valeo in 1976, and by then I was also in government, um, said, e- effectively, um, money is a form of speech.
R
11:21Robert ReichHOST
Uh, a lot of people thought, "Wait, wait, money is not a form of speech.
R
11:25Robert ReichHOST
How can money be a form of speech?" But you see how these things...
Larry Lessig on the Maine Case That Could End Super PACs | New Faces of Democracy
L
9:43Larry LessigGUEST
It is dense, and it's kind of bizarre that it would be dense, but that's the reality.
L
9:48Larry LessigGUEST
So it all begins fifty years ago exactly, in 1976, with a case by the United States Supreme Court called Buckley versus Valeo.
L
9:56Larry LessigGUEST
And Buckley was reviewing the statute Congress had passed, the F- the Federal Elections Campaign Act, after Richard Nixon was accused of all sorts of corrupt dealings.
L
10:06Larry LessigGUEST
And basically, three stories about Richard Nixon triggered Congress to pass this massive law that was trying to change the way money affected politics, and it was very ambitious.
L
10:16Larry LessigGUEST
It created presidential public funding, which elected every president between Carter and Obama.
16 MINS LATER
L
26:07Larry LessigGUEST
So under Citizens United, there's a risk of corruption.
L
26:09Larry LessigGUEST
You should be allowed to regulate it.
L
26:11Larry LessigGUEST
So we think under the reasoning of Citizens United, which reaches back to the reasoning of Buckley, you ought to be allowed to impose limits on the size of contributions, even if you can't limit the spending that somebody does given whatever contributions they get.