Brazilian Social Democracy Party

UhumFoi o Mário Covas, que era o líder do MDB, que era o maior partido.

E ali eu digo que surgiu o começo em-- o, do PSDB, porque era justamente essa esquerda do MDB que acabou depois saindo do partido e fundando o PSDB.

E tudo passou por uma negociação com o Centrão, que é exatamente o que aconteceu de novo agora.

Agora, vamo chegar lá.

O Centrão tem seus 209.

Soma-se a isso a esquerda com seus 124, cê já tem 333.

E eu não falei aqui de Podemos, PSDB, missão, vários outros partidos que têm seus deputados.

Formar maioria, claro, a gente tá falando de cenários extremos de impeachment, mas é esse o cálculo de um presidente eleito quando olha pro Congresso.

And they ate up the center right.

So, like, the PSDB, the party that since the '90s was always going back and forth with Lula between Fernando Henrique Cardoso and, like, the respectable center right party, the PSDB is down to 11 seats, which is the same amount of seats as the Partido Liberal, the anti-revisionist Marxist Leninist Communist Party.

[laughs]

Like, the center right-

Quando o MDB dominava a Câmara e o Senado, quem eram os presidentes de Câmara e Senado no início dos anos 90?

Mas aí o presidente da República era do PSDB.

Mas o presidente não era do MDB.

[suspiro]

But the right has basically been absent.

Before Bolsonaro appeared, it used to be the Social Democratic Party, PSDB, which now is, you know, a minor party.

So the right really emerged, and election after election, it gained more traction.

And it's just a matter of the voters... choosing to align with the main candidate, which has been Bolsonaro, or sort of going towards one of the minor candidates.

Not that we had a very wonderful high-quality political system before Bolsonaro, but we had a system that worked, uh, relatively well given the previous Brazilian history.

So we had three parties govern Brazil in between 1994 and 2018, and the three were partners in Brazilian democratization: PMDB, PSDB, and the Workers' Party.

They were the parties of the transition or of the constitutional, uh, assembly, and they created a system, uh, that worked in several ways.

It worked befor- because no one disassembled what the other did before.

Digamos assim [riso]

Pelo menos desde 2018, né? E aí eu acho que o PT e o PSDB têm uma grande parcela de culpa por incutir nesse eleitorado uma aversão à política, né, tradicional.

Acho que é uma eleição certa de segundo turno, ao contrário talvez de São Paulo e Rio, aqui que a gente podia falar também.

Agora a gente vai falar de São Paulo então, né? [riso] Para o deses-para o desespero do senhor Fernando Haddad, né, que vai sair menor do que 2022, né.

Are these anything to draw in votes?

No, Flavio is a vice presidential candidate from the same political party.

He has accusations of of of.

There's molestation against him, which may or may not be true.

He's not known by a lot of people.

It doesn't really count at all.

It actually shows the weakness that they were not able to build an alliance with some of the other political parties to have a vice presidential candidate in another party, whereas Gerald Aukman actually... ran against Lula in the past and was in the center-right party called the PSDB, the Brazilian Social Democratic Party.

And Lula recruited him, as he had done in the past with other vice presidential candidates, to show a broad coalition of people who were clearly favorable to capital investment and were not radical leftists or socialists.