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Bernard Bailyn

Bernard Bailyn

American historian and authorWikipedia

Search complete. 14 mentions across 8 episodes found for "Bernard Bailyn".

Oct 14, 2026

Ben KleinermanHOST
9:29
He just wanted to talk about Jefferson and tell stories about Jefferson or tell stories about others, you know.
Ben KleinermanHOST
9:34
And just wasn't interested in, you know, Gordon Wood versus Bernard Bailyn or, you know, and such.
Ben KleinermanHOST
9:41
So it, it was very [chuckles] it was funny 'cause, you know, especially the younger scholars would, "All right, well, I have you here.
Ben KleinermanHOST
9:48
I wanna know about such and such." And he just didn't want any of that.

43 MINS LATER

C. Bradley ThompsonGUEST
52:51
Yeah, that's it.
C. Bradley ThompsonGUEST
52:52
The American Revolution and the New Moral History.
C. Bradley ThompsonGUEST
52:55
So that essay is my critique of Bailyn and Wood, um, with regard to the issue of methodology.
C. Bradley ThompsonGUEST
53:07
I have lots of substantive disagreements, um, particularly with Wood and, and even more specifically with regard to his emphasis on the role of classical republicanism in the American Revolution.
KeltnerHOST
34:30
Yeah
HillHOST
34:30
... is, uh, Professor Bernard Bailyn.
GarrisonHOST
34:33
Yeah.
KeltnerHOST
34:33
Mm.
Dan HollawayHOST
8:57
The second wave is a bit more serious than that.
Dan HollawayHOST
9:00
Um, beginning in the nineteen sixties, uh, Bernard Bailyn, uh, Gordon Wood, and J.G.A. Pocock, uh, the same Pocock from episode one, by the way, rebuilt the founding around classical republicanism instead of Lockean liberalism.
Dan HollawayHOST
9:14
If the revolution was fought in the language of virtue and corruption and the fear of standing armies instead of the language of natural rights and contract, then Hartz's premise is wrong at its core, right? Um, and Gor-G, uh, Gordon Wood is one of the premier historians in American history.
Dan HollawayHOST
9:32
So it's something to be taken seriously.
Michael AuslinGUEST
18:13
And then it shifts just at the Declaration because by then the king has – basically said the colonists are in revolt, they are out of my protection.
Michael AuslinGUEST
18:25
And this shift that Bernard Bailyn so brilliantly traced in his ideological origins of the American Revolution to this idea of this grand conspiracy that was centered on the king and his ministers and then Secondarily, Parliament.
Michael AuslinGUEST
18:38
But I really think it was, you know, it was, you know, obviously Lexington and Concord and the unwillingness of the British to respond to any of the American appeals for reconciliation, including after.
Michael AuslinGUEST
18:52
Lexington and Concord, the famous olive branch petition, which I think and I think that's the one where really when the king ignores it, doesn't even respond to it.
speaker_2HOST
40:04
Now, putting all of this together, in the end this was a transition period in political theory.
speaker_2HOST
40:10
Bernard Bailyn states that, quote, "...the discussion of these crucial questions, questions upon which the future character of public life in America would depend, began when the burning public issue was still the colony's relation to England." and ended a decade or more later in the revisions of the first state constitutions.
speaker_2HOST
40:29
Between the two points was a continuous, unbroken line of intellectual development and political experience.
speaker_2HOST
40:34
It bridged two intellectual worlds, the mid-18th century world still vitally concerned with the set of ideas derived ultimately from classical antiquity, from Aristotelian, Polybian, and Machiavellian and 17th century English sources, and the quite different world of Madison and Tocqueville." And the debate expanded as well beyond just the triad of the monarchy, nobility, and commons.
Nicholas P. WoodGUEST
27:51
And kind of a, there's still, like, a strong kind of school of thought among, uh, academics, kind of the people that are more celebratory.
Nicholas P. WoodGUEST
28:00
Um, the late Gordon Wood, for example, kind of credits the American Revolution with inspiring anti-slavery because of, um, again, the contagion of liberty, Bernard Bailyn's term.
Nicholas P. WoodGUEST
28:11
Um, but this idea of natural rights and that, and that, yeah, after the revolution it shifts.
Nicholas P. WoodGUEST
28:16
It's secular natural rights enlightenment ideas rather than religion that are more important.
Michael AuslinGUEST
42:54
Of course, we've had these things, and of course, we've had extreme clashes between management and labor.
Michael AuslinGUEST
42:59
You know, we go back to our good old Marxist days in college, right? We know all this stuff, right? [chuckles] But the strain of moderation and unity, what Bernard Bailyn, the great historian, called pragmatic idealism on the part of Americans, I think has been our greatest strength in the long run.
Michael AuslinGUEST
43:18
So you see- Mm-hmm ...
Michael AuslinGUEST
43:19
the short-run blips, but in the long run, the moderation of almost all sides of Americans, which is why I say that even though there is a, uh, of course, there is the equality claim and the liberty claim in the Declaration, above them is an umbrella claim, a unity claim.
Christopher ScaliaHOST
43:34
[laughs]
Michael AuslinGUEST
43:34
[laughs]Of moderation and unity, what Bernard Bailyn, the great historian, called pragmatic idealism on the part of Americans, I think has been our greatest strength in the long run.
Michael AuslinGUEST
43:48
So you see-
Christopher ScaliaHOST
43:49
Mm-hmm

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