Alexander Kerensky

You can also read about the siege of Lisbon itself at the newsletter if you're interested.

And on October 25th, 1917, the Bolsheviks began an uprising in Petrograd that would, within a day, see them overthrow the provisional Russian government of Alexander Kerensky and, after a lengthy civil war, become the new leaders of Russia.

This is the old-style or Julian calendar date of the revolution.

which according to the Gregorian calendar actually took place on November 7th.

Writers were another group that was outraged about Bloody Sunday.

I mentioned Maxim Gorky, of course, but many others, including a young Alexander Kerensky, would take to the pen to protest the shootings.

One place that gets extraordinarily little attention, but was the hotbed of revolution, was in Russian Poland.

Now understand, Poland as a nation no longer existed.

Unfortunately, despite many years of training and preparation, quite a few leading members of the Bolshevik party had lost their heads during the course of the February Revolution, and they were blurring the class lines.

Many of them, including Stalin, supported Kerensky's provisional government, which was the bourgeois government that replaced the Tsar.

Now, Lenin had already been preparing some material on this subject while he was in exile in Switzerland.

And this was part of his analysis of the collapse of the Second International after its main sections caved to social chauvinism and they supported their imperialist powers during the outbreak of World War I.

So it doesn't mean there's no state, but we need a new kind of state.

So in place of the bourgeois state, We need structures of power and expressions of the will of the masses that reflect our interests, whether we end up calling them action committees or workers' councils or strike councils or whatever they're called during the course of the next American Revolution.

In Russia, After the February Revolution overthrew the Tsarist monarchy, Kerensky's bourgeois bonapartist provisional government filled the power vacuum.

Formally, it was a new regime.

So when we look at these different wartime places, scenarios, when we look at revolutions that occurred, right? Bertrand Russell says that revolutions in Russia...

the, the Kerensky, the 1904 and then 1917, these were experiments to see how does technocratic governance work in that way? Guess what? Mao was the same thing.

Mao was a, an experiment because Mao was a Yali, Yale in China, who was in charge of Mao, not who you think they were in charge of Mao because they came out of Yale and YALI, Yale in China, was an actual program.

And Mao was just a freaking nerd hanging out in this stupid nerd project.

There ain't no conspiracies.

Then it goes into a lot of the information that we covered in Sutton.

I'm not going to repeat all that because surely you remember the money given for revolutions, the loans, the money, the fronts, Red Cross, all those things being fronts for the 1917 revolution against the czar that brought in Alexander Kerensky.

So he basically just summarizes everything that was in Quigley and goes on to talk about that Woodrow Wilson was actually himself a Fabian.

But it was the leader of the cadets, Mr. Milyukov, the greatest statesman that Russia possesses at the present moment, who dealt the last blow to the ministry, thanks to the acerbic criticisms which he addressed to the sovereign and to the latter's advisors, and to his indignant protest against the arbitrary imprisonment of the delegates of the workmen of Petrograd, who had been chosen by them to represent their interests in the Industrial War Commission.

The vice president of this commission, Mr. Konovalov, joined him in this protest, whilst another deputy belonging to the extreme left, whose name was to become famous very soon, Mr. Kerensky In language of a violence such has never been heard before in the Duma, prophesied that the time would soon come when this Duma would find itself compelled to fight for its rights and for the liberty of the nation, and would adopt decisive measures to put an end to the danger which was threatening the great work of the national defense, if it was allowed to remain in the hands and under the control of people who had so badly understood its claims and its necessities.

After these debates, during which had been voted by an immense majority the immediate release of the arrested working men, Mr. Protopopov rushed to Dstarskoje Selo, the Metropolitan Pytirim and Mr. Sturmer, who had remained a persona grata at court, notwithstanding the fact that he had been compelled to resign his former functions of Prime Minister, accompanied him.

A conference took place between them and the Empress, towards the close of which Nicholas II was asked to come in and to listen to the decisions that had been arrived at, which he was requested to sanction.

They therefore threw themselves in the struggle against the Duma with an ardor that grew as they saw the increasing difficulties with which the accomplishment of their designs was going to encounter in that assembly, and, as a first step in the course of action they had determined to follow, they submitted to the signature of Nicholas II the fatal decree which prorogued the Duma together with the Council of State, and which was to give the signal for the conflagration of which they were to become themselves the first victims.

Traitors are always to be found in hours of great national peril.

Among the people who were guarded in the palace of Tsarskoe Selo, there was a person who, becoming acquainted by chance of what was going on there, rushed to communicate the news which he had heard to Mr. Kerensky, the leader of the extreme left party in the Duma.

The latter did not lose one moment in communicating to his colleague the news which had come to his knowledge, and also to the president of the assembly, Mr. Rodzianko.

This is how they did it.

After indicting Lenin and the other Bolshevik leaders with treason, and with thousands of the Bolsheviks' foot soldiers in prison, the provisional government, which was led by a lawyer named Alexander Kerensky, started to assemble evidence for a treason trial against the communists.

As before with the university protest, the 1905 revolution, and the February revolution, there's a clear point here.

When you get your chance to crush your enemy, you must take it.

It seemed like the provisional government was going to.

Kerensky had appointed a Russian military leader called Lavr Kornilov to restore discipline in the military's ranks and quell domestic uprisings.

In August 1917, Prime Minister Kerensky and General Kornilov were communicating through an intermediary named Vladimir Lvov Here's how it went down.

General Kornilov had a preexisting agreement with Kerensky that he'd send in troops to restore order in the city if and when that became necessary.

Damn.

In Paris, she meets Alexander Kerensky, who was prime minister of Russia for a few months between the February and October Revolutions of 1917.

Crazy to have had that position.

[laughs]

Yeah.

The tsar's out, and we have Kerensky and the provisional government.

Mm-hmm.

And this, this provisional government is sort of like, uh, barely hanging on, but it is like a, has potential to become a, a democratic form of government in a more permanent way for Russia.

And then Kerensky authorizes and endorses this crazy offensive.

Mm.

The Bolsheviks are sort of small, a little bit overlooked.

Mm

But soon the, uh, the, the provisional government took on a more and more liberal and socialist coloration.

Uh, the defining figure there who plays a major role in this volume is, uh, Alexander Kerensky.

Uh, and, um, um, and of course, it's challenged right from the get-go by the work of the Soviets, by the work- workers and Soviet deputies and the executive committee.

So you have two rival governments, one committed to a more thoroughgoing revolution, the other representing, as I said, more moderate and liberal and socialist elements.